The outing of Mark Kennedy and two (and counting) other undercover police officers working within the environmental movement has created a significant media controversy, leading for calls for enquiries into police infiltration tactics. Plane Stupid, a network which takes action against the aviation industry’s climate impact, have been subject to two recent infiltration attempts, one of which took place in 2009, seemingly involving Strathclyde police.
In March 2009 we safely and effectively closed down Aberdeen Airport, cutting CO2 emissions and drawing attention to the social and environmental impacts of their expansion plans. Two men claiming to be from the police afterwards attempted to spy on Plane Stupid’s activities, by offering me cash for information. We recorded the conversations using a spy cam and a mobile phone, and exposed them in the media. We still don’t know who they are.
Strathclyde Police confirmed on multiple occasions that the names of the two police officers did not feature on any of their databases. To get any answers as to who the 2 spooks were, we’ve been locked into a bureaucratic ping-pong ever since.
At a whole other level of police intrusion, Mark Kennedy had been embedded within the environmental movement for 7 years. In last Monday’s BBC interview, without blushing or skipping a beat, former undercover police officer Peter Berklsey confirmed not only that there are more officers embedded, but that “people there are also undercover from the private security sector working against climate campaigners”. This makes my blood run cold.
The language itself is telling. Not ‘protestors’, but ‘campaigners’. Targeted not for taking illegal direct action, but simply for holding a view. And not simply monitoring: the ‘against’ testifies to an agenda in policing. As for the unnamed companies of the ‘private security sector’:
“Providing Peace of Mind in a Changing World”, “We take care of your security so that you can focus your energies on your personal and business affairs, free from distraction and anxiety”.
Sounds as inoffensive and sanitary as an advert for odour-removing, floral-fragrance deodorant? Meet C2i, the “Specialists in Security Crisis Risk Management” who infiltrated Plane Stupid in 2007 (and were exposed the next year). The private security sector can sell on information (names, databases, minutes of meetings) to large companies to whom grassroots campaigns pose a threat. They sometimes work with the police. They are not accountable.
There is a range of unpleasant options as to who might have been harassing and monitoring Plane Stupid in 2009: National Public Order Unit Intelligence Order, Confidential Intelligence Unit – both reporting back to the private company, the Association of Chief Police Officers. Or corporate espionage a la C2i? In view of such a range of possibilities, we are seeking simply to establish that the officers who approached us were indeed Strathclyde police, as they later claimed he was, under the public glare.
Strathclyde Police were uncooperative, so it went all the way to the Scottish Information Commissioner. Our request simply for the officer’s date of commission within the Strathclyde Police force was refused. I was told I could take it to the Court of Session (the Scottish version of the Supreme Court), or drop it. I would be liable for up to £20 000 in court costs. I’m an apprentice farmer, a researcher and a ceramicist: the epic financial risk makes pursuing this case entirely unfeasible for me.
The collapse of the prosecution case of the Ratcliffe 114 against 6 activists coincides with information on Kennedy’s involvement being required. Undeniably, strings are being pulled from high-up to avoid shedding any light on covert policing. If the Freedom of Information process and the Legal Justice system are covering up for the spooks, could it be that the very mechanisms which are designed to deliver transparency and accountability to protect the public, are being manipulated? The police need to start talking. We need answers. Silence is not acceptable.
Should we want to know what information Mark Kennedy was gathering and for whom, to know who appoints such considerable police resources to monitor the environmental movement, to know who decides to pull the plug on an entire prosecution case, to know who the men slinking around with brown envelopes and dark glasses claiming to be Strathclyde Police actually are, and we find all processes are either prohibitively expensive or opaque, where do we turn to?
Towards a demand for a full inquiry, not lead politically, nor carried out by the police, but in front of a judge. Towards the awareness of links between big financial interests and policing: the businesses we target have social and environmental consequences as massive only as the money they have behind them. Towards self-organising to monitor the police’s activities. Towards the silver lining of the proliferation of techno-gadgets: camera phones and YouTube. These can serve to bear witness: as in the killing of Ian Tomlinson, or to share budding tactics of resistance: Book Bloc.
We can turn to the knowledge that, in the environmental justice movement, we’re onto something – the reason we’re being so heavily targeted is that our impact is real and effective.
#230 Struggles for Truth ● The Arab Spring 10 years on ● The origins and legacies of US conspiracy theories ● The limits of scientific evidence in climate activism ● Student struggles around the world ● The political power of branding ● Celebrating Marcus Rashford ● ‘Cancelling’ Simon Hedges ● Latest book reviews ● And much more!
And you choose how much to pay for your subscription...
Francesca Emanuele reports on recent attacks on Bolivia’s Movement for Socialism – and how the country’s voters were ultimately undeterred by disinformation tactics
Sanhaja Akrouf explains how the fear that stopped Algerians from joining the uprisings across the Middle East and North Africa in 2011 has now been broken
Despite the carnage of contemporary Syria and Libya, and the ruinous stalemate of Yemen, the euphoric appeal of what was once described as the ‘Arab Spring’ continues to feed revolutionary processes across the region, argues Toufic Haddad
Siobhán McGuirk and Adrienne Pine's edited volume is a powerful indictment of the modern migration complex writes Nico Vaccari
The uprisings against police brutality that swept across Nigeria must be contextualised within the country’s colonial history, argues Kehinde Alonge
Outside the media fanfare surrounding the recent wave of university-based militancy, one community's fight against developers goes on. Robert Firth reports