Get Red Pepper's email newsletter. Enter your email address to receive our latest articles, updates and news.
Why can’t England be more like Spain? That was the thought I had throughout reading this fascinating, rambling but largely accessible conversation between political theorist Chantal Mouffe and leading Podemos member Íñigo Errejón.
It’s true that Podemos – in coalition with the smaller left-wing grouping Izquierda Unida – has just disappointed its supporters by coming third in the Spanish national elections (see page 22). But its emergence as a potential party of government in only two years since its foundation is testament both to the richness of Spanish radical culture and the inventiveness of activists such as Errejón. As Mouffe and Errejón discuss in the book, Podemos is a central factor in why Spain – in contrast with Britain and most of Europe – has no sizeable far-right nationalist force.
Indeed, it is striking how both Errejón and Mouffe are comfortable discussing national identity and patriotism. Errejón, for example, proudly refers to Podemos’ stance on austerity as ‘patriotic’. If English leftists feel themselves wince involuntarily at such discourse, this perhaps reveals an important difference between the political culture and strategy spearheaded by Podemos and that of the English left.
As Errejón explains, Podemos has made a conscious effort to transcend the concepts and language traditionally associated with left and right, speaking for instance of gente (people) against la casta (the establishment) and the need for ‘national-popular unity’. The justification for this move is partly to do with the specific context of Spain, whose main socialist and conservative parties are both identified with elite corruption, but it is also a product of the political theory to which Podemos ascribes.
Errejón, like party leader Pablo Iglesias, is strongly influenced by the theories of ‘populism’ outlined by Chantal Mouffe and Ernesto Laclau, according to which political mobilisation can occur along a number of axes and should not be discussed purely in narrow class terms. Controversially, Errejón resists the label ‘left-wing’ altogether, and this provokes one of the book’s more interesting passages of discussion between him and Mouffe, who disagrees.
Another revealing exchange is around the relationship between social movement mobilisation and party political strategy. Both Errejón and Mouffe make the point that the energies of protest politics need to engage with the mechanisms of state power, which must be reinvented and democratised. There are lessons to be learned here by grassroots activists here grappling with the question of Labour. In fact, this book is a valuable resource for activists generally – not least in how Errejón shows that practical and strategic nous can be married with intellectual rigour.
The collapse of Carillion is only one small part of a larger story of decades of economic mismanagement
Laura McDonald writes that universities should not just be finishing schools for the wealthy or disciplinary institutions churning out docile workers.
A floundering alliance of Blairites is trying to reinvent itself for a Corbynite age. By Tom Costello.
Marienna Pope-Weidemann explains why decades of occupation and oppression have led some people to call Israel an apartheid state.
International Women's Day is set to be marked by strikes from "paid work in offices and factories, or unpaid domestic work in homes, communities and bedrooms."
Laurie Laybourn-Langton writes that measuring the economy is political - and economic measurement dominates politics.
David Scott argues that our prison system represents a human rights disaster, and reformist solutions can't tackle the root problems.
A deeper engagement with culture can strengthen our democracy, taking political projects beyond electoral impact and festival memes into a whole new world of radical, lasting change.
Ruth Tanner writes that revelations about Oxfam's behaviour in Haiti are shocking, but not surprising.
The actions of Oxfam officials are horrendous - but gutting foreign aid funding just puts more people at risk, writes Daniel Gibson.
Stormzy, Grenfell and what it means to be a ‘threat’
The artist is giving a vital platform to a new generation of voices pointing out the deep hypocrisy in which crimes get punished and which get rewarded, write Remi Joseph-Salisbury and Laura Connelly
For All, By All
The latest issue of Red Pepper asks - how do we invite, support and nurture greater public participation so that our cultural capabilities are empowered beyond the crushing logic of market fundamentalism?
‘We are hungry in three languages’: The forgotten promise of the Bosnian Spring
Ruth Tanner looks back at a wave of protests which swept through Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2014.
It’s time for a cultural renewal of the left
Andrew Dolan writes that we need to integrate art, music, films and poetry into our movement, creating spaces where political ideas are given further room to breathe.
Jeremy Hunt is poised to flog the last of the NHS
Peter Roderick sounds the alarm on an 'attack on the fundamental principles of the NHS'.
Viva Siva, 1923-2018
A. Sivanandan, who died this week, was a hugely important figure in the politics of race and class. As part of our tributes, Red Pepper is republishing this 2009 profile of him by Arun Kundnani
Sivanandan: When memory forgets a giant
Daniel Renwick calls for the whole movement to discover and remember the vital work of A. Sivanandan, who died this week
A master-work of graphic satire
American Jewish cartoonist Eli Valley’s comic commentary on America, the US Jewish diaspora and Israel is nothing if not near the knuckle, Richard Kuper writes