Get Red Pepper's email newsletter. Enter your email address to receive our latest articles, updates and news.
Like so much from Ed Miliband, his proposal for ‘Refounding Labour’ promised welcome and radical change, only to be strangled by the continuing triangulating legacy of New Labour. He proposed turning the party’s aims from simply gaining and remaining in office to also building collective power from below. But then, instead of exploring how such a new kind of party could support collective action in both the workplace and beyond – for it surely must be both to make any sense? – woolly talk of ‘community’ takes over. Positive proposals on the workplace and the trade unions appear only as a hesitant afterthought.
The truth is that Miliband’s radical imagination is undermined by a profound defensiveness about the unions. It is this I want to challenge – not by romanticising the unions as they are, but by arguing that they could be a vital ally in developing an alternative economic vision that can be prefigured in everyday campaigns and bargaining strategies that capture the popular imagination.
In the public sector especially, and potentially in the private sector too, the trade unions organise millions of knowledgeable, skilled and caring people who collectively carry much of the know-how to move our economy in a socially just and ecologically sustainable direction.
Companies pay consultants thousands of pounds to find out how ‘to tap the gold in the mind of the worker’, as one Japanese management consultant has put it. The Labour Party has this gold gratis – if only it would find the self-confidence to realise it.
Here is where a genuine, and collaborative, process of refounding has to take place. The constraints on building on the imaginative fusion of organising in the workplace and organising in the community that is already taking place lie in the founding assumptions of the party’s relations with the unions, as well as in the pressures of the present.
Refounding labour politics means digging up the old foundations, rather than yet further elaborating on structures that are by now pretty rotten, whatever good sense they made at the beginning of the 20th century.
The foundation stone in most need of replacement is what became an almost sacrosanct division between the industrial, the sphere of the unions, and the political, the sphere of the party.
The rules governing this relationship have had a significant flexibility – otherwise this ‘contentious alliance’ (to use the title of the must-read analysis by Lewis Minkin) would not have survived.
But by the 1950s the division of labour had produced a profoundly institutionalised abdication of politics by the trade unions to the Labour Party. ‘We became reactive; we lost a sense of the wider world beyond the workplace,’ remembers Kevin Curran, a trade unionist with extensive experience of creating community trade unionism, as well as having been general secretary of the GMB. ‘As long as wages and conditions were improving and membership growing, we were happy to leave the wider social and political issues to the Labour Party.’
With the collapse of the boom in the early 1970s, this complacent division of labour became unsustainable. The following two decades saw the emergence, in many forms, of a more politicised trade unionism. This included real innovations from which lessons could well be adapted for today’s challenges.
Red Pepper has previously pointed to the relevance of the principles driving the Lucas Aerospace alternative corporate plan for strategies for green production as an alternative to factory closure. One of the principles behind this workers’ plan has a wider relevance. Its creativity and credibility, with its detailed proposals and prototypes, lay in the recognition by the trade unionists who led it of workers as knowledgeable, creative citizens wanting to contribute their skills to the good of the wider community.
This view amounts to seeing labour itself as highly political, as always containing the potential to be more than waged labour – more than the workers selling, or alienating, their capacity to work for a wage while the employer controls the profit. In more theoretical terms, one could say that these workers’ alternative plans held out and demanded recognition of the worker as a producer of what Marx termed ‘use value’, as well as in a capitalist economy the production of ‘exchange value’.
But this view of labour, with all its political potential, was not the one built into the foundations of the trade unions’ relationship with Labour. Trade union struggles were seen as concerned with wages and conditions, not the nature and purpose of the work itself. Their role in the party was as a source of funds, of electoral support, some power over the election of the leader and very occasional influence on policy.
Only exceptionally have trade unionists been valued as a unique source of inside knowledge and vision about how production could be better and more socially usefully organised.
Labour has beneath its nose potential alternative agents for economic and social reform far superior to the forces of the market now revealed to be so corrupt and short-sighted.
Imagine if now, instead of Ed Miliband trying to distance the Labour Party from the unions with a wrangle over voting power, he was drawing together the know-how and popular credibility of the workers who sustain the NHS with the insights of users and academics, to present an alternative direction of reform to the destructive path of marketisation.
This could be emblematic of a wider approach to rebuilding public services. This kind of initiative would be laying the basis for a real refounding of the labour movement. It would be recognising the political significance of decades of a transformation in levels of education, self-confidence and sense of entitlement, plus now the possibility, through new technology, of sharing knowledge and collaborating on its production. It would be recognising that trade unions, operating as worker-citizens with communities, have the capacity to help organise that knowledge.
This is not wishful thinking. Already in the public sector, the threat of privatisation has led staff to become alert to the importance of their commitment and skills for the quality of the services they provide.
Beneath the surface of national trade union structures, there is a new angry and political spirit in the workplace, across local government in particular, but also in health, education and the civil service, often where women are in the majority.
One example among hundreds, vividly documented by Lydia Hayes, previously a Unite official and now an academic researcher, is of the home care workers in Bristol. Their fury at a nonchalant announcement by the Lib Dem council in 2007 of privatisation as if it were somehow inevitable arose from awareness that their work, in the words of one of the workers that Hayes interviewed, requires getting older people to ‘open up to you’ and having ‘a bond with a service user’ – things that could never form part of a service delivery contract. Things that would be wiped out once the service became a commodity.
The Bristol workers reached out to the community, using everything from petitions to family networks to build up popular pressure. In a matter of days an angry crowd became an organisation, ‘campaigning methodically’, as Hayes put it, to Keep Bristol Home Care.
With thousands signing the petition, and a room booked for 40 overwhelmed by more than 200 care assistants, the campaign spilled over the confines of traditional trade unionism. It became a political movement for public services, led by women who valued their work and their relationship with the old people they cared for. A struggle over ‘use value’, if you like.
They won. In the process they made home care the big issue of the 2007 council elections. Having supported the women, Labour gained seats and briefly led a minority administrattion.
A case, then, of a new kind of relationship between unions and the Labour Party. The women, through the union, developed an autonomous politics and a public power built through all kinds of representation: the media, community campaigning, a physical presence on the streets. On this basis they expected and won the support of Labour as their elected representatives.
Newcastle is another case in point. There, the workers’ and the community’s commitment to council services has been the basis for successful struggles to keep those services public and improve them in the process.
One of the trade unionists driving this process was Kenny Bell, who died this summer of cancer. His work as a highly effective and practical trade union leader with a radical strategic vision exemplifies how it is possible to bring together community and workplace organising.
In doing so he created with others – and he would be the first to stress the ‘with others’ – a newly political trade unionism, which Labour politicians came to respect and to support, not as the ‘industrial wing’ of the party but as a form of politics beyond their reach and yet essential to improve the lives and build the power of working people.
The 1,000 and more people who crowded into Newcastle’s civic centre to remember him gave testament to the way his work touched, and often changed, many lives. There are few politicians who would get such a send off.
He and the regional convenor Clare Williams turned the northern region of Unison into a means of involving shop stewards and branch secretaries from across the region in developing the Newcastle experiment into a region-wide strategy.
This became the basis of a bargaining strategy with the political parties running the local councils. Several backed it – indeed it could be argued that Newcastle Labour group’s support for Unison’s alternative strategy helped it to win back control over the council from the Lib Dems.
The point, though, is that Labour was supporting not a narrowly industrial agenda of the unions but an alternative rooted in the politics of public services. This was based on a level and kind of knowledge that was beyond the reach of the Labour Party on its own but whose implications it was willing to represent. Here again, representative politics is one kind of politics. It does not have the monopoly of labour movement politics.
A further implication is that representative or electoral politics does not have a monopoly of political leadership. This is born out by the experience of the Northern TUC in leading a highly effective campaign against the BNP from 2003 onwards, through the founding of North East Unites Against the BNP.
This work transformed the regional TUC into a kind of community trade unionism. ‘It was quite a shock for some of the male officers,’ recalls Kevin Rowan, secretary of the NTUC, describing how regional officers were expected to leave their offices not just for workplaces but to door-to-door canvass in the most neglected communities in the north east.
‘Labour was not prepared to talk about the threat of the BNP but when they saw that our open campaigning was working, councillors and MPs came on board,’ says Rowan, recalling the day that the conference of the NTUC decided to break up and go on to the streets to counter and, as it turned out, completely overwhelm a BNP demonstration in Newcastle. Here again, Labour representatives were supporting an autonomous trade union and community politics.
Almost by definition this wider politics is grounded outside of and autonomous from political parties. That does not mean its relationship to political parties has to be one of separation.
There is no single model of how this wider politics might develop. But one thing is certain: for the Labour party nationally to win the kind of support that a transformed labour movement has won in the North East and those Bristol care workers won for their service, Labour leaders have to let go of their presumed monopoly of labour politics and learn the positive lessons from imaginative and political trade unionism.
Labour needs to recognise the potential of workers and users, democratically organised and politically supported, to be a vital basis of an alternative strategy of public service reform – one driven not by the market, but by democracy. This approach requires a far deeper refounding of the politics of labour than tinkering with the rules of the Labour Party.
What if it's not us who are sick, asks Rod Tweedy, but a system at odds with who we are as social beings?
Survivors of the fire are still relying on thousands of community volunteers, writes Dan Renwick - but the failed council is plotting a comeback
The people could reach a democratic and non-violent solution if they were freed from US meddling, argues Boaventura de Sousa Santos
A decade after the start of the crash, economic power is in our hands – we must take it, writes Ann Pettifor
Nick Dowson looks at the new wave of co-ops and community groups where people are building their own truly affordable homes
Hsiao-Hung Pai meets people affected by the fire, and finds sadness and suffering mixed with a continuing wariness of the official investigations
Chris Williamson MP, winner of the election's tightest marginal, Derby North, and recently reappointed shadow minister for fire services, talks to Ashish Ghadiali about Jeremy Corbyn, the housing crisis and winning from the left
The Corbyn-supporting group is preparing for another election at any moment, writes Adam Peggs – and now has the potential to create powerful training initiatives, union links and party reform efforts
Don’t let the world’s biggest arms fair turn 20
Eliza Egret talks to activists involved in almost two decades of protest against London’s DSEI arms show
The new municipalism is part of a proud radical history
Molly Conisbee reflects on the history of citizens taking collective control of local services
With the rise of Corbyn, is there still a place for the Green Party?
Former Green principal speaker Derek Wall says the party may struggle in the battle for votes, but can still be important in the battle of ideas
Fearless Cities: the new urban movements
A wave of new municipalist movements has been experimenting with how to take – and transform – power in cities large and small. Bertie Russell and Oscar Reyes report on the growing success of radical urban politics around the world
A musical fightback against school arts cuts
Elliot Clay on why his new musical turns the spotlight on the damage austerity has done to arts education, through the story of one school band's battle
Neoliberalism: the break-up tour
Sarah Woods and Andrew Simms ask why, given the trail of destruction it has left, we are still dancing to the neoliberal tune
Cat Smith MP: ‘Jeremy Corbyn has authenticity. You can’t fake that’
Cat Smith, shadow minister for voter engagement and youth affairs and one of the original parliamentary backers of Corbyn’s leadership, speaks to Ashish Ghadiali
To stop the BBC interviewing climate deniers, we need to make climate change less boring
To stop cranks like Lord Lawson getting airtime, we need to provoke more interesting debates around climate change than whether it's real or not, writes Leo Barasi
Tory Glastonbury? Money can’t buy you cultural relevance
Adam Peggs on why the left has more fun
Essay: After neoliberalism, what next?
There are economically-viable, socially-desirable alternatives to the failed neoliberal economic model, writes Jayati Ghosh
With the new nuclear ban treaty, it’s time to scrap Trident – and spend the money on our NHS
As a doctor, I want to see money spent on healthcare not warfare, writes David McCoy - Britain should join the growing international movement for disarmament
Inglorious Empire: What the British Did to India
Inglorious Empire: What the British Did to India, by Shashi Tharoor, reviewed by Ian Sinclair
A Death Retold in Truth and Rumour
A Death Retold in Truth and Rumour: Kenya, Britain and the Julie Ward Murder, by Grace A Musila, reviewed by Allen Oarbrook
‘We remembered that convictions can inspire and motivate people’: interview with Lisa Nandy MP
The general election changed the rules, but there are still tricky issues for Labour to face, Lisa Nandy tells Ashish Ghadiali
Everything you know about Ebola is wrong
Vicky Crowcroft reviews Ebola: How a People’s Science Helped End an Epidemic, by Paul Richards
Job vacancy: Red Pepper is looking for an online editor
Closing date for applications: 1 September.
Theresa May’s new porn law is ridiculous – but dangerous
The law is almost impossible to enforce, argues Lily Sheehan, but it could still set a bad precedent
Interview: Queer British Art
James O'Nions talks to author Alex Pilcher about the Tate’s Queer British Art exhibition and her book A Queer Little History of Art
Cable the enabler: new Lib Dem leader shows a party in crisis
Vince Cable's stale politics and collusion with the Conservatives belong in the dustbin of history, writes Adam Peggs
Anti-Corbyn groupthink and the media: how pundits called the election so wrong
Reporting based on the current consensus will always vastly underestimate the possibility of change, argues James Fox
Michael Cashman: Commander of the Blairite Empire
Lord Cashman, a candidate in Labour’s internal elections, claims to stand for Labour’s grassroots members. He is a phony, writes Cathy Cole
Contribute to Conter – the new cross-party platform linking Scottish socialists
Jonathan Rimmer, editor of Conter, says it’s time for a new non-sectarian space for Scottish anti-capitalists and invites you to take part
Editorial: Empire will eat itself
Ashish Ghadiali introduces the June/July issue of Red Pepper
Eddie Chambers: Black artists and the DIY aesthetic
Eddie Chambers, artist and art historian, speaks to Ashish Ghadiali about the cultural strategies that he, as founder of the Black Art Group, helped to define in the 1980s
Despite Erdogan, Turkey is still alive
With this year's referendum consolidating President Erdogan’s autocracy in Turkey, Nazim A argues that the way forward for democrats lies in a more radical approach
Red Pepper Race Section: open editorial meeting – 11 August in Leeds
The next open editorial meeting of the Red Pepper Race Section will take place between 3.30-5.30pm, Friday 11th August in Leeds.
Mogg-mentum? Thatcherite die-hard Jacob Rees-Mogg is no man of the people
Adam Peggs says Rees-Mogg is no joke – he is a living embodiment of Britain's repulsive ruling elite
Power to the renters: Turning the tide on our broken housing system
Heather Kennedy, from the Renters Power Project, argues it’s time to reject Thatcher’s dream of a 'property-owning democracy' and build renters' power instead
Your vote can help Corbyn supporters win these vital Labour Party positions
Left candidate Seema Chandwani speaks to Red Pepper ahead of ballot papers going out to all members for a crucial Labour committee
Join the Rolling Resistance to the frackers
Al Wilson invites you to take part in a month of anti-fracking action in Lancashire with Reclaim the Power