Finally, the most incredible propaganda operation of our times is in full swing, in which states and ‘markets’ try to make people believe that public debt was caused by excessive social spending and high salaries. In fact the financial sector caused the crisis and the fiscal deficit in the EU is the result of the crisis, not its cause.

A moment like this needs a strong social answer: it is urgent to act now, uniting our forces, creating the conditions for a common social response, for a pan-European mobilisation. There is an objective need to build a European space of ‘strategic alliances’: in order to elaborate common strategies and initiatives and to rebuild solidarity. When the attack on Greece by the great  economic powers and the ‘troika’ [the International Monetary Fund, the European commission and the ECB]  began, we, in Europe, were unable to organise a social response. Rather, each stayed wrapped up in their own crisis and their own national dimension, leaving the Greeks alone. It must never happen again.

Beyond fragmentation

We must go beyond the current fragmentation of our forces. Most of the time, we agree on analysis and proposals – now in Europe we have hundreds of similar documents, calls, statements which are a good basis for a common platform -  but we need to join forces.

Firenze 10+10 is only a contribution to a more general process. The European space today is the minimum space necessary if we are to build a credible social and economic alternative. To underestimate the  global dimension of the clash between capital and labour, capital and nature, capital and the commons is a mistake. In Firenze we want to provide to the real social actors with a useful space for alliances and strategy at the European level, linking up the local resistance and struggles.

We must also break down the wall between eastern and western Europe by getting the east and the Balkans fully involved. And of course we must build bridges towards the southern Mediterranean, where the next WSF will be held in 2013.

Finally, it is necessary to have a long-term vision. That’s why the name is  10+10: Ten years after the 2002 ESF, but above all ‘plus ten’: which shows the need to build a common strategy and vision for the next ten years and not limit our horizons to tomorrow, to the next political elections. It is a question of understanding which way we want to go.

Not the ESF

Firenze 10+10 is an experiment, building on previous experiences and processes: a space for reconnecting, in an action-oriented way. It is not a European Social Forum (ESF), despite the fact that the ‘excuse’ for setting the process in motion was precisely the tenth anniversary of the first ESF. The ESF constituted an extraordinary moment in the construction of a continent-wide demos, which presented analyses, proposals and solutions which – had they been translated into policies – would have avoided Europe and the world crashing into the terrible economic, environmental, social and democratic crisis in which it is now mired.

Ten years on, there is no desire to celebrate what we had then and even less do we intend today to repeat paths which belong to that time and that stage of development. The social movements have changed, new actors have emerged, there have been defeats but also victories, such as that of the water and commons movement in the Italian referendum one year ago. For sure it is no longer the time for spreading ourselves out over thousands of workshops and seminars, but time to produce a nucleus of strong, shared actions and initiatives.

That’s why the programme for Firenze 10+10 is not simply a space to be filled up with hundreds of disconnected initiatives (nor a sort of ‘Summer Academy’ for social movements). On the contrary, we have together identified, during the preparatory international Milan meeting, five key ‘alliance spheres’ (or focus areas), starting from the subjects which networks and coalitions are already working on in Europe.

Five key spheres

1) Democracy.

Networks, social movements and organisations from all over Europe intend to oppose the top-down constituent process with a grassroot process, in order to build a democratic Citizens’ Pact (the foundation for a democratic Europe based on respect for the dignity of everyone, native and non-native, and on guarantee of individual, collective, labour and social rights). It is also a question of building a democratic floodwall against the right, against xenophobia, against the breaking up solidarity: democracy also means rebuilding social solidarity.

2)  Finance/debt/austerity

During Firenze 10+10, we will discuss both public and private debt with the purpose of formulating new proposals for another European economic model, free from financial markets and debt dictatorships and based on the solidarity and participation of people into the decisions that determine our future. This will bring together campaigns against austerity, the European fiscal compact, and for debt audits and tribunals.

3) Labour and social rights

Labour rights cannot be separated from social rights in general and there is a need to propose concrete alternatives to give everyone a life in dignity and jobs with a future. Many different proposals are to be discussed, including a universal basic minimum income.

4) Commons and public services

This ‘alliance sphere’ brings together many issues in relation to our natural, social, digital commons and public services, such as land, food, water, energy but also social rights, education, and knowledge. It will also tackle and refute the post-Rio agenda covering the green economy, financialisation of nature and unnecessary large-scale infrastructures which are supposed to help us out of the crisis. The aim is to find mutual ground and strategic joint actions as well as concrete solidarity solutions for those fighting right now on the ground to protect their public services and commons from privatisation and commodification.

5) Europe in the Mediterranean and the world

This sphere of alliance rests on some fundamental elements: the necessary inclusiveness of Europe; cooperation, solidarity and fair trade; peace and social justice; the support for the struggles for democracy and human rights  (the Arab revolutions, the struggles against the occupation – Palestinian territories, Western Sahara – and rights of entire peoples like the Kurds). Strategies against the militarisation of the Mediterranean will also be discussed.

Concrete outcomes

In the best-case scenario Florence 10+10 could produce a hard core of proposals for action, which are the fruit of the five ‘alliance spheres’ when we converge, and launch a sort of grand common European mobilisation for the beginning of 2013: a continent-wide demonstration? An international rally in Brussels? A European strike? We should at least try to identify something which we can do all together.

At the same time, we aim to build a third level: to start together a process for the medium-long term. One of the main ideas and proposals is the launch of the ‘Alter Summit’ as a process that will start in November and have several stages including various mobilisations and a culmination point for 2013 in late spring, probably in Athens.

A huge range of social actors are now behind the initiative: social movements, trade unions, citizens’ groups and associations (environmental, cultural), student organisations, feminist groups, individual activists.

In Florence many existing processes will flow together: the first gathering of the European Water Commons Movement; a big assembly on democracy, which will bring together very different actors (including 15M in Spain and Blockupy Frankfurt); the meeting of the different coalitions working on finance and debt; the meeting of critical economists, just to mention some examples.

Firenze 10+10 is an opportunity and a contribution. It is not a process in itself: it’s a crossroad part of more extended process. Maybe this process is not perfect and November is just round the corner, but our enemies – the economic-financial powers, the technocrats – are very fast, while at the moment we’re too slow and fragmented.

Tommaso Fattori is an Italian anti-privatisation activist and member of the Firenze 10+10 organising committee. For more on Firenze 10+10 go to  www.firenze1010.eu

The second phase saw social movements finally connecting with people and local areas, thanks to focused campaigns against the privatisation of water and other public goods. Numerous territorial campaigns have sprung up ever since, capable of mobilising entire communities. These include campaigns against the Vicenza military base, the development of high velocity trains (TAV) and incinerators, to mention a few. However, what brings most of these movements together is a mutual recognition that traditional tools of political representation have failed. Who decides the future of communities and their territories? Where are decisions made? These are the issues that truly concern new territorial movements, which are constantly looking for new models of participation.

Nowadays, we must also recognise that movements are severely fragmented. Although there is a mutual understanding that they will come to each other’s aid if necessary, this remains a defensive mechanism rather than one that encourages innovation. The fact that movements are under-represented within the media worsens this state of affairs, in a society where anything that exists outside the media isn’t even deemed real or taken into consideration. However, movements are not only lacking coordination and a constant exchange of ideas (on the topic of water, for example, a National Forum was organised to bring together all movements concerned with this issue) – what is really missing now, is the capacity to mobilise the masses, which, starting with Genova, had characterised the first phase.

The ‘Grillo’ Storm

Beppe Grillo seems to attract astonishingly vast audiences nowadays, particularly through his Internet blog. He and his massive following should be seen as an example of classical social movements. It resembles what Venezuelans call a ‘turba’, a swarm of people that suddenly aggregate around one topic, which, in this case, is the crisis of political representation. To a large extent, Grillo should be credited with building a widespread sense of unification around this particular issue as well as others, such as the relevance of environmental concerns in contemporary society.

The political elite in Italy imitates the mechanisms of large financial corporations: they might change name, but fundamentally they remain the same. The newly established PD and PDL (as well as La Sinistra – L’Arcobaleno) are exact replicas of the structures defining last year’s political elite. I believe that soon this is likely to instigate a reaction from Grillo.

Unfortunately, Grillo proposes rather traditional solutions to the problems he identifies: he suggests we amend “classical” forms of representation instead of building channels that don’t yet exist or innovative political institutions that have yet to be discovered. We shouldn’t forget, however, that he does heavily criticise the ‘Veltrusconi’ phenomenon, an important problem facing Italian society. The latter, in simple terms, refers to a general trend towards hegemonic political thought. After all, don’t we already know who will win the Italian elections? Clearly it will either be Berlusconi’s ‘Veltronian’ programme or Veltroni’s ‘Berlusconian’ one.

La Sinistra – L’Arcobaleno

For a long time we have continued to believe that a new political project for the left was possible, capable of being unified and radical, while still being vast. Unfortunately, the ways in which this project is currently taking shape are outdated and disappointing, meaning we are losing out on a great opportunity. As a result, it will also make the alliance of La Sinistra – L’Arcobaleno very fragile after the April elections. Perhaps, the plans of La Sinistra – L’Arcobaleno will be short lived, but I see no alternatives. I see no point in either abstaining or in giving a strategic vote to the PD. Instead, I will vote Arcobaleno, not so much for what it is today, but for what it might become in the future. Leaving the doors open for an alternative, somewhere down the line, is the least we can do.

A broken society: fear and longing for quick decisions

At the moment, I see Italian society as being split right down the middle. On one hand, there is a small minority who still yearns for new forms of democratic representation. On the other, however, an overwhelming portion of society has reacted to the rising political insecurity by demanding order, discipline and a tough leadership. There is a craving for authoritarian forms of democracy that will be capable of making fast decisions. This split is increasingly evident and directly related to growing fears and insecurity.

Our society, which is becoming more individualistic and competitive (rather than ‘social’ and ‘cooperative’), has seen most people opting for the easiest path. Instead of asking for schools and hospitals, people are demanding for police and prisons. It is a scenario where people would rather see the poor being eliminated, instead of poverty itself. Unfortunately, this context will lead to more misery, insecurity and isolation, which in turn will encourage people to demand for even more safety and order, falling victim to a terrible vicious circle.

Currently, we run the dangerous risk of creating a negative mass consensus. The only way to balance out this trend is to ensure that the left acts at a social level, by proposing truly innovative, as well as inclusive practices. We must take action before people are pushed to choose order and safety over civil rights and public services.

Tommaso Fattori is Coordinator of Forum Italiano dei Movimenti per l’Acqua, against the privatisation of water and other public services.