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	<title>Red Pepper &#187; Mike Davis</title>
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		<title>Rio’s iron heel</title>
		<link>http://www.redpepper.org.uk/rios-iron-heel/</link>
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		<pubDate>Thu, 06 Jun 2013 12:00:17 +0000</pubDate>
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				<category><![CDATA[Brazil]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Mike Davis]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.redpepper.org.uk/?p=10269</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[As host of the World Cup in 2014 and the Olympics in 2016, the Brazilian government is trying to ‘pacify’ the gangs in Rio’s favelas. But, Mike Davis reports, the needs of the favelados have taken a back seat]]></description>
				<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><img src="http://www.redpepper.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/rio.jpg" alt="rio" width="460" height="300" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-10271" /><small><b>Police patrol the Rocinha favela in Rio de Janeiro</b></small><br />
With almost a third of metropolitan Rio controlled by drug gangs or vigilantes, the former Brazilian president Lula and his successor Dilma Rouseff proposed not only to send in the police but to transform them into agents of empowering the poor. The Brazilian media brags about Rio’s ‘surge’, and the government claims it is the dawn of hope in the favelas.<br />
Rio has more than 1,000 favelas; the largest, Rocinha, has more than 250,000 residents. Often perched picturesquely (and hazardously) on steep morros above the beaches and condos of the rich, they are highly evolved examples of what some scholars are calling the ‘new urban feudalism’. At least half of them are ruled by a dono do morro (king of the mountain), who in turn is vassal to one of the three prison-based super-gangs in the state of Rio de Janeiro that war for control of drug sales: Comando Vermelho, Terceiro Comando Puro and Amigos dos Amigos.<br />
The image of the comandos in Brazilian popular culture is ambiguous. The kings of the hill are the patrons of local samba schools, impresarios of gaudy funk parties, microbankers to the poor, enforcers of neighbourhood justice, and, most importantly, employers of youth. The few opinion surveys that have been conducted in Rio’s slums indicate that residents generally regard the paramilitary police as more dangerous and corrupt than the public outlaws of the Red Commando or Friends of Friends.<br />
Yet the only real alternative to the rule of the narco-revolutionaries has been for slum residents – especially in the lowland Baixada Fluminense region – to pay protection money to condottieri of moonlighting policemen, prison guards and ex-soldiers. These militias – usually the tentacles of higher-up, corrupt police intelligence officials or even state legislators – represent a blatant morphing of Rio’s 1990s police death squads into a lucrative, fast-growing industry.<br />
‘I think militias are much worse than drug traffickers,’ Gilberto Ribeiro, Rio’s police chief, told a British newspaper a few years ago. Except for the militias and a few godfathers, however, the wages of urban carnage are surprisingly humble. Most Brazilian drug gang members are subsistence criminals with little future beyond prison or an early grave.<br />
To help convince the International Olympic Committee that Rio would be a safe as well as beautiful site for the 2016 games, first the government had to capture and hold the morros. The trial run in 2008 targeted Dona Marta, a famous cliff-dwelling favela in the south zone, which boasts some of the best samba and funk in Rio. A year later the police pacification unit (UPP) entered Cidade de Deus in the west zone. In each case there was less opposition from gangs than expected and the government invoked early ‘successes’.<br />
Then, just two weeks after huge crowds celebrated the award of the games to Rio, gang members firing a 50-caliber machine-gun brought down a police helicopter over the favela of Morro dos Macacos. Amateur video relayed across the world showed the helicopter’s fiery crash into a local soccer field, killing three policemen and badly burning two others.<br />
<strong>Full-bore armed conflict</strong><br />
Jose Mariano Beltrame, police chief and secretary of security for the state of Rio, called it ‘our 9/11’, while the US consul, in emails released by Wikileaks, worried that gang violence had escalated into ‘a full-bore internal armed conflict’ and that Washington had underestimated the extent to which the ‘favelas have been outside state authority’. State governor Sergio Cabral again asked Lula for help from the army, and the army, in turn, volunteered to apply the ‘clear and hold’ tactics it had learned in Port-au-Prince, Haiti, where it has been leading the UN stabilisation mission since 2004.<br />
After many months of skirmishes and the establishment of more UPP beachheads, the full might of the Brazilian state was again unleashed against the Red Command in Complexo do Alemao. On ‘D Day,’ 25 November 2010, Marines and BOPE stormed the satellite favela of Vila Cruzeiro, killing 31 people, but the narco-revolutionaries simply retreated deeper into their labyrinth. Army paratroopers were brought in and the authorities broadcast a ‘surrender or die’ ultimatum. The Red Command defiantly replied with bus burnings and assaults across the city. Two days later, 3,000 troops with tanks and helicopter gunships overwhelmed the district. They seized truckloads of drugs and guns, but most gang members slipped away again.<br />
Lula, in his last month in office, tried to put a brave face on military frustration: ‘The important thing is we have taken the first step. We went in, we are inside Complexo do Alemao.’ He described the assault as just the beginning of the campaign to take back the favelas (in fact it was already four years old) and promised ‘we will win this war’.<br />
Four months later the Obamas arrived in Cidade de Deus. The US president had originally wanted to plunge into the exuberant crowds, shaking hands and kissing a few babies. It would have been a memorable image. But a huge security cordon of nervous cops and army sharpshooters – more befitting a visit to Baghdad than to a showpiece of Brazilian civic unity – precluded any spontaneous contact and most favelados never got a glimpse of him. Some began to chant ‘Obama, where are you?’<br />
The president and family were inside a community hall, watching a capoeira exhibition, kicking a soccer ball with some local ten-year-olds, and chatting with UPP officials, NGO leaders, and some selected residents. Later, in his formal speech, he praised the ‘new security efforts and social programmes’ and was warmly applauded when he asserted that ‘for the first time, hope is returning to places where fear had long prevailed. I saw this today when I visited Cidade de Deus.’<br />
Is ‘hope’ a synonym for measurable progress? The UPP website features photos of burly cops holding babies while nurses smile. Supporters of Cabral and Rouseff talk about ‘restoring the huge social debt’ owed to the favelas after generations of neglect, and they praise pacification as the dawn of true social inclusion and shared citizenship.<br />
<strong>Military project</strong><br />
Other Brazilians, including the breakaway left wing of Lula’s Workers Party, the PSOL, consider such utopian claims hogwash. Marcelo Freixo, a human rights lawyer famed for exposing the mafia-like crimes of the militias, is now a PSOL deputy in the Rio state legislature. He has publically dismissed the official pacification strategy as little more than the iron heel of gentrification. ‘The UPPs are a project to militarily retake certain areas of interest to the city. This is not done to eradicate the drug trafficking, it is to have military control of some strategic areas for the envisioned Olympic City.’<br />
Indeed, almost all of the 17 slums pacified so far (with the exception of Ciudad de Deus, which was chosen because of its international notoriety) are adjacent to wealthy neighbourhoods, usually with spectacular locations. Their pacification not only creates a cordon sanitaire for World Cup and Olympic visitors, but also opens up the favelas to intense speculation. Three years after the pacification police occupied Don Marta, real estate values had doubled and poor renters were being forced to move to more affordable slums. Their fate is somewhat similar to the traficantes, who have not been defeated, just displaced into other favelas.<br />
Freixo’s critique has found a surprising echo in the recent complaints of Jose Mariano Beltrame. In June 2011 he told Brazilian journalists that Lula’s promised follow-up social investment had failed to arrive in most of the occupied favelas. ‘Nothing survives with security alone. It’s time for social investments. Only then will the end of the divided city become a reality.’<br />
More specifically he charged that the only serious attempt to repair the service deficit was occurring in Complexo do Alemao. Elsewhere the UPPs were deluged by favelados demanding to know when they would receive promised garbage collection, street lighting, social workers, sewers, public transport and so on.<br />
‘The people, with the arrival of the police, can now begin to think that the state is present there,’ says Beltrame. ‘But this state has to present a more tangible, stronger way of serving the communities. It’s something that worries me because we’re messing with people’s imagination. This is no joke.’<br />
Of course it’s no joke. If mighty Brazil, ruled by a broad progressive coalition, cannot ensure that the garbage is picked up and buses run on schedule in a handful of slums, then who can?</p>
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		<title>The winged killer flies in</title>
		<link>http://www.redpepper.org.uk/The-winged-killer-flies-in/</link>
		<comments>http://www.redpepper.org.uk/The-winged-killer-flies-in/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 01 Dec 2005 00:05:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Health]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Mike Davis]]></category>

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		<description><![CDATA[As avian flu continues its seemingly unstoppable advance through the world&#8217;s bird population, fears of a human pandemic are growing. Be afraid, says Mike Davis, be very afraid &#8211; not least because we are so unprepared]]></description>
				<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>Avian flu is demanding admission to the European Union and it will not be refused. Despite brave promises by veterinary and public health officials to seal borders and quash new outbreaks, H5N1 is an almost irresistible force.</p>
<p>Already last year, veteran researchers were warning that avian flu had become ineradicable among wild birds and domestic poultry. Previous hopes that it was not easily transmissible among wild birds were dashed this spring when Chinese researchers discovered a huge epidemic at Lake Qinghai in western China.  Initially the outbreak was confined to a small islet in the huge salt lake where geese suddenly began to act spasmodically, then to collapse and die. By mid-May, however, the lake&rsquo;s entire avian population was infected and thousands of birds were dying. An ornithologist called it &lsquo;the biggest and most extensively mortal avian influenza event ever seen in wild birds&rsquo;.</p>
<p>Chinese virologists, meanwhile, were shocked by the virulence of the new strain. When mice were infected with the Qinghai virus they died even more quickly than when injected with &lsquo;genotype Z&rsquo;, the fearsome N5N1 variant currently killing people in Vietnam and Indonesia. (Both strains, incidentally, are 100 per cent lethal to mice.)</p>
<p>Yi Guan, leader of the world-famous team of avian flu researchers in Hong Kong, who have been fighting the pandemic menace since 1997, complained to the Guardian in July about the lackadaisical response of Chinese authorities to the biological conflagration at Lake Qinghai. &lsquo;They have taken almost no action to control this outbreak,&rsquo; he said. &lsquo;They should have asked for international support. These birds will go to India and Bangladesh and then they will meet birds that come from Europe.&rsquo;</p>
<p>In a paper published in Nature, Yi Guan and his associates also revealed that the Qinghai strain was probably derived from officially unreported recent incidences of avian flu among birds in southern China. This confirmed suspicions that Chinese authorities were continuing to conceal disease outbreaks from the rest of the world &ndash; just as they had also lied previously about the nature and extent of the 2003 SARS (severe acute respiratory syndrome) epidemic.</p>
<p>As in the case of earlier SARS&rsquo; whistleblowers, the bureaucracy immediately retaliated against Yi Guan for his scientific honesty, shutting down one of his laboratories at Shantou University and arming the conservative agriculture ministry with new powers to vet basic research. And while Beijing was censoring research, avian flu&rsquo;s human epicentre was expanding. In mid-July Indonesian health officials confirmed that a father and his young daughters had died of avian flu in a wealthy suburb of Jakarta. At the same time, five new outbreaks amongst poultry were reported in Thailand, dealing an embarrassing blow to the nation&rsquo;s extensive and highly-publicised campaign to eradicate the disease. Vietnamese officials, for their part, renewed appeals for international aid as H5N1 claimed new victims in the country that remains the outbreak centre of highest concern to the</p>
<p><b><i>World Health Organisation.</b></i></p>
<p>Meanwhile, the birds at Lake Qinghai were taking flight toward their wintering grounds on five continents. H5N1 punctually arrived at the outskirts of Lhasa, the capital of Tibet; it was detected in western Mongolia and Kazakhstan; and, most disturbingly, it began to kill chickens and wildfowl near the Siberian capital of Novosibirsk &ndash; a halfway point along flightways to the Black Sea and southern Europe.</p>
<p>The arrival of avian flu in Iran, Turkey and Romania was no surprise, therefore. Its next destinations may include the Nile Valley, southern India, Bangladesh, Australia, Alaska, northern Canada and eventually the whole world. Even if avian flu posed no human health threat, it is already a global ecological cataclysm that threatens incalculable devastation to wild birds as well as to the billions of chickens that now constitute our second largest source of animal protein (pigs, also now succumbing to avian flu, are the largest).</p>
<p>Robert Wallace, a University of California scientist who is studying how pandemic influenza might spread, told me that H5N1 is a &lsquo;more sophisticated Darwinian search engine than Google&rsquo;. He says that it is outsmarting us in four decisive ways.</p>
<p>First, &lsquo;H5N1 is flying underneath the social radar: few humans yet infected, but the strain is seeding broad regions. It is changing not only at the molecular level but at the epidemiological level as well.&rsquo; Second, &lsquo;In spreading geographically, and infecting more chickens, H5N1 broadens the base of operations from which it can begin a pandemic.&rsquo;</p>
<p>Third, &lsquo;By spreading geographically H5N1 enters countries that have no experience in detecting or grappling with such outbreaks.&rsquo; And fourth, &lsquo;If dispersal is related to increasing the number of chickens infected &ndash; and expanding the evolutionary space H5N1 has to play in &ndash; then the time of onset of an outbreak of human-to-human infection becomes compressed.&rsquo; The bottom line, in other words, is that each new outpost of H5N1, whether among chickens in Turkey, ducks in Siberia, pigs in China, or humans in Indonesia, is a further opportunity for the rapidly evolving virus to acquire the gene or even more simply, the amino acid substitutions it needs to massacre vulnerable human populations.</p>
<p>There are, of course, sceptics (although usually not amongst virologists) who argue that avian flu is merely a &lsquo;theoretical threat&rsquo;, and that there may be some &lsquo;factor X&rsquo; that is preventing H5N1 from acquiring facile transmissibility amongst humans. Many researchers are indeed puzzled that a pandemic hasn&rsquo;t already emerged, but there is little evidence for the existence of a &lsquo;factor X&rsquo; structurally inhibiting H5N1&rsquo;s mutation. Quite the contrary: a breathtaking (and dangerous) scientific experiment in August confirmed frightening similarities between the current avian virus and the 1918 influenza that killed 40 to 100 million people in the autumn of 1918.</p>
<p>After a decade of painstaking lab work using lung tissue samples retrieved from corpses of 1918 victims, a team headed by Jeffery Taubenberger at the Armed Forces Institute of Pathology, outside of Washington DC, succeeded this summer in deciphering the complete genome of the 1918 virus. In a discovery that shocked many researchers, they found that the 1918 virus was a purely avian strain that had acquired human transmissibility through a series of surprisingly simple mutations rather than through a mixing of avian and human flu genes in a co-infected pig or person. This implies that H5N1 may not, after all, have to &lsquo;reassort&rsquo; genes with a human virus: it may acquire pandemic velocity through its own modest evolution.</p>
<p>So, as H5N1 &ndash; which some ducks transport without any symptoms &ndash; prowls around the edges of EU agriculture, there is little basis for discounting official warnings from the WHO and innumerable experts that a pandemic is &lsquo;imminent&rsquo;. &lsquo;Imminent&rsquo;, of course, could mean this winter or 2007. And so far, European health ministers have acted as if either the threat or the EU didn&rsquo;t exist.</p>
<p>Each government has made an independent assessment of the peril and responded accordingly. While some have taken the flu apocalypse seriously enough to begin to stockpile millions of courses of antiviral drugs, others have barely even got around to the surveillance of poultry. None have yet got to grips with the decisive role of the huge European pharmaceutical corporations.</p>
<p>When, at a WHO meeting earlier in the year, Thailand and South Africa raised the question of the generic production of Tamiflu (oseltamivir) in the third world, France and the United States joined forces to quash the challenge to Roche&rsquo;s current monopoly over the drug. Likewise, when I visited the WHO&rsquo;s influenza programme in Geneva this August, I was told that the WHO had for the time being abandoned any hope of a &lsquo;world vaccine&rsquo; to combat avian flu, largely because it discounted the willingness of the EU to make the necessary commitment to mobilise its vaccine production lines or of GM (genetic modification) opponents to allow the use of &lsquo;reverse genetic engineering&rsquo; (the technology that made the recreation of the 1918 virus possible). Europeans should take little solace in the even more dreadful state of preparedness in the US, where despite throwing away billions of dollars on imaginary threats of bioterrorism, Bush&rsquo;s &lsquo;homeland security&rsquo; precautions have failed to build antiviral stockpiles or rebuild vaccine production capacity.</p>
<p>The most dangerous migration of H5N1 in recent weeks is not its Black Sea vacation, but its inexorable movement toward the mega-cities of Africa and south Asia. We should be most worried about the imminent explosive convergence of urban poverty and avian influenza. Even if the EU got its collective act together &ndash; as it must do, urgently &ndash; it would be to little avail if a 1918-type pandemic erupted in the vast slums of Kinshasa or Mumbai.</p>
<p>Neither fortress-style epidemiological nationalism nor idiot reverence for the profits of Big Pharma (and Roche in particular) should override the principle of human solidarity in the face of the coming pandemic. Our common survival demands an adequate lifeline of vaccines, antivirals and antibiotics as a human right.<small></small></p>
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