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	<title>Red Pepper &#187; Isabel Parrott</title>
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	<link>http://www.redpepper.org.uk</link>
	<description>Red Pepper</description>
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		<title>School without walls</title>
		<link>http://www.redpepper.org.uk/school-without-walls/</link>
		<comments>http://www.redpepper.org.uk/school-without-walls/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Thu, 14 Jul 2011 04:11:20 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Books]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Tales of the City]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Isabel Parrott]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.redpepper.org.uk/?p=3809</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Isabel Parrott revisits Colin Ward's classic The Child in the City]]></description>
				<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><em>First published 1978</em></p>
<p><img class="alignright size-medium wp-image-4106" style="padding-left:10px;" src="http://www.redpepper.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/childcity-147x195.jpg" alt="" width="147" height="195" />The Child in the City explores the many ways that children experience their urban environment. It looks at why some children are isolated from the streets and cities in which they live and why others can use them as spaces for play and discovery. In particular, the book looks at how children have reacted and adapted to the move from inner cities to suburbs, commuter towns and council estates in the 20th century. It asks whether it is true, as many people believe, that something has been lost in the relationship between the child and the modern city and considers how we might make this relationship a more rewarding relationship for both the child and the city.<br />
The author, Colin Ward, worked as a town planner and architect and was perhaps the most famous English anarchist of the 20th century. Anarchism for Ward was not something to be left for the future. Instead it was ‘a description of a mode of human organisation, rooted in the experience of everyday life, which operates side by side with, and in spite of, the dominant authoritarian trends of our society.’ This drove his interest in self-organised clubs and leisure activities such as youth clubs, allotments, holiday camps, squats and co-operatives.<br />
His dual interest in anarchism and architecture encouraged his interest in the way that ordinary people renovated or designed their homes and communities. It also drove his desire for welfare and housing policies that encouraged people’s participation rather than their alienation from their local areas. Ward’s central philosophy was the idea that people find fulfillment through personal responsibility and involvement. He therefore advocated polices that allowed people to work on a small scale – for example, citing a street where people received grants to re-do their houses as preferable to the mass slum clearances of inner city areas.<br />
The Child in the City is one of Colin Ward’s most beautiful and influential studies. The work is an evocative exploration of how children’s street culture, work, and games provide the child with a variety of sensual and spatial experiences. These new experiences and the ability to move around and explore are shown to be an important part of a child’s education. Or, in Ward’s own words: ‘The city is in itself an environmental education, and can be used to provide one, whether we are thinking of learning through the city, learning about the city, learning to use the city, to control the city or to change the city.’<br />
In particular, the book looks at the ways that children interact with their social and built environments differently and at times in opposition to adults. For example, a derelict space might be an eyesore for an adult but become an exciting adventure playground in the eyes of a child. The way that children adapt their built environments for a private world of play is something that is celebrated in the book. However, when children come to be at war with adults and their environment, the book suggests that this is a result of their lack of involvement in society and in the city.<br />
Ward spent much of his life seeking ways of involving people in their communities and campaigning for council tenants to have more control over their own housing. He was a fierce critic of the way that state housing was distributed – for example, poorer families would often be placed together in one estate. He also spoke out against the government’s policy of mass development, which meant that large estates were built without regard to existing centres of community and with few amenities. He argued that mass building projects directed by the state left little room for individual preference, involvement and responsibility and amounted to a paternalistic politics.<br />
In today’s political climate it is interesting to return to a writer who took a libertarian approach to welfare and housing policy. Today, the debate on what kind of welfare provision should be provided has been replaced with a debate about whether welfare should exist at all. It is worth revisiting writers like Colin Ward so that we remember to prioritise happiness, self-respect and personal involvement in politics, housing and communities rather than simply an improved material standard of living.<br />
Mostly this book is a classic, however, because Colin Ward is such an enjoyable writer to read and the book is full of children’s personal stories. The exuberant ways in which children have adapted their environments for play comes across in his prose and cannot help but bring back accompanying memories from childhood. Educationalists, architects, social policy makers and libertarians would benefit from reading a book that looks at ways to bring children out from a culture of poverty through life in the city, in the ‘school without walls’.</p>
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		<title>Keeping our streets safer</title>
		<link>http://www.redpepper.org.uk/keeping-our-streets-safer/</link>
		<comments>http://www.redpepper.org.uk/keeping-our-streets-safer/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sat, 07 May 2011 19:02:44 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Civil liberties]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Under the radar]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Isabel Parrott]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.redpepper.org.uk/?p=3462</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Isabel Parrott reports on legal and defendant support work surrounding the anti-cuts movement and student protests]]></description>
				<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>The recent wave of student demonstrations has seen newly politicised school children and students come onto the streets, acting as an inspiration for the broader anti-cuts movement. The protests have also seen the police break their record on containment, holding protesters for nine and a half hours on November 24, engaging in violent provocation and reprisals within kettles and making more than 300 arrests.<br />
After the controversial death of Ian Tomlinson, we saw public order officials hold back on their response to protest movements. The policing of the student protests, however, shows us that this is no longer the case.<br />
Organisations such as the long-standing Legal Defence and Monitoring Group and the newly formed Green and Black Cross have stepped up to the challenge, providing legal observation and training for the protests and engaging in the vital work of defendant support. Legal activists have been working to co-ordinate legal observers and medics at the student protests – they were hoping to organise a hundred legal observers on the 26 March TUC demonstration as Red Pepper went to press.<br />
The activists involved work to support defendants by linking them up with good lawyers and accompanying them to court. They also aim to support defendants to launch campaigns, and have started a defendant-led campaign for the student protests.<br />
In practice this means support campaigns, directed but not necessarily carried out by defendants, engaging in actions such as solidarity protests outside court hearings. They aim to hold the police to account and make people safer on demonstrations, stop defendants feeling isolated, and help them build a stronger case through good professional legal aid.<br />
Andy Meinke has been acting as a legal observer on protests and supporting defendants since the miners’ strike and the poll tax riots. He says legal support is ‘more important than ever’ in the current austerity climate.<br />
‘The legal system is more complicated than it ever was, and the cuts in legal aid are stopping people being able to defend themselves properly,’ he says. ‘We are going to see a big upsurge in protest, meaning increased police violence and more arrests.<br />
‘Unfortunately the police are back on the rampage after being restrained by the killing of Ian Tomlinson and are acting in a more aggressive and provocative manner.’<br />
The anti-cuts movement has seen the involvement of younger and less experienced activists, who need support and advice to keep them safe on demonstrations. They also need help to avoid charges that have the potential to derail their lives.<br />
If we want the left to be a supportive place to organise then we should look out for defendants who have engaged in progressive protests, whether or not we condone all their actions.<br />
Legal defence activists are also not simply engaging in defensive work but are also supporting people in taking action against the police for unlawful behaviour.<br />
James Green, a UK Uncut campaigner, describes what happened at a demonstration on January 29.  ‘A woman was arrested for criminal damage after pushing some leaflets through the door of Boots,’ he says. ‘We moved forward to see what was happening – and an officer CS gassed us and himself in the process.’<br />
Legal observers collected witness statements for the case and facilitated a group meeting with a lawyer.<br />
Legal activists stress that the police are not all-powerful and can be challenged, whether this is through legal observation or through defendant support.<br />
In a movement that is sometimes fragmented and disorganised, making protests safer and supporting defendants is important – particularly as the anti-cuts movement has seen students charged who have little experience of politics and who do not have their own political support networks.<br />
<small>For more information and booklets to download on your rights and arrestee advice, see <a href="http://greenandblackcross.org ">http://greenandblackcross.org</a> and <a href="http://www.ldmg.org.uk">http://www.ldmg.org.uk</a></small></p>
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		<title>Housing cuts: Resistance begins at home</title>
		<link>http://www.redpepper.org.uk/housing-cuts-resistance-begins-at-home/</link>
		<comments>http://www.redpepper.org.uk/housing-cuts-resistance-begins-at-home/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Sun, 27 Feb 2011 13:40:00 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Housing]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Isabel Parrott]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://www.redpepper.org.uk/?p=3164</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Isabel Parrott on what can be done to tackle the housing cuts]]></description>
				<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p><img src="http://www.redpepper.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/housing.jpg" alt="" title="" width="460" height="285" class="alignnone size-full wp-image-3216" /><br />
From this April, the government will cut housing benefit, allow social landlords to charge 80 per cent of market rents and permit limited-term social tenancies in place of lifelong security of tenure. In the long term, the coalition aims to drastically reduce social housing and to cut homelessness assistance, leaving the precarious and expensive private sector as the only option for most households. And in the short term, the public sector stands to save very little, as the £2 billion the government will save on the existing housing benefit bill risks being spent on emergency bed and breakfast accommodation for newly homeless families.<br />
The housing cuts come to a sector that has already suffered from underinvestment. It has led to poor-quality and overcrowded housing, long waiting lists, harsh ‘gate-keeping’ practices at homeless persons’ units, and a £20 billion housing benefit bill, which has increased by 50 per cent over the past ten years as a result of the housing shortage and rising rents.<br />
The Department for Work and Pensions calculates that 936,960 households will lose an average £12 a week in housing benefit under the new regime, meaning that many people will be forced to cut back on basic necessities. In London itself, 82,000 families are vulnerable to losing their homes in what is effectively a bid to cleanse inner London boroughs of poorer households, placing a greater strain on homelessness provision in outer London. Even those in outer London boroughs could face a choice between cutting back on weekly expenditure or leaving their home, job, school, family, and support networks.<br />
Members of the self-help Hackney Housing Group recognise that the fight needs to be for more social and affordable housing, not just against housing benefit cuts. Homelessness is not just caused by the cuts but by a lack of housing. Members of the group have been meeting regularly for the past two years and have supported each other to win housing from the council through a range of tactics, including marching down to the housing office and refusing to leave until demands are met.<br />
One Hackney Housing Group member, Janinha, found herself locked out of her temporary accommodation and the locks changed while she was looking after a relative in hospital. She by-passed the council’s official complaints procedure and, accompanied by a large group of supporters, took a letter down to the town hall. In response, she was told she had no grounds for complaint – but in the same envelope found an acceptance letter for social housing. By having the support of a group of people, rather than facing the council as an individual, she had managed to win her case.<br />
Many of the people in Hackney Housing Group have taken direct action to resolve difficult housing or benefit problems. They have gone on to support other people, learning from their own struggles and continuing as part of the group. Through mutual support and wider campaigns, they have gained a political awareness that comes from understanding that ordinary people have the power to make changes. Moving from personal victories, group members have turned to wider campaigns for more social housing and rent controls and, of course, against the housing benefit cuts.<br />
Being part of a sustainable support group is very important to members of the group. Morta was made homeless with a five‑day-old baby and failed to win her case because she did not have a ‘right to reside’ in the borough. She took advice from the group and managed to get permanently housed by gaining a right to reside through a part-time job and eventually winning a legal case. ‘When I first came to the group I didn’t take it very seriously,’ she says. ‘Now I think it is really important to support each other.’ One year later, she is an active member of both the Hackney Housing Group and London Coalition Against Poverty.<br />
Its experiences over the past few years means that Hackney Housing Group is well placed to know what people need and how to fight against the current cuts. As group member Ellie Sching puts it, ‘If we can’t stop the cuts then we need to stop the evictions. To get people involved we need to be campaigning to change our own situations, to defend our homes and to win housing for ourselves.’ The group believes that any campaign must involve the people who are facing the housing benefit cuts and that the anti-cuts movement should not simply be about protests and lobbies but should help people change their own lives. In the case of housing, people need support to keep their homes, as well as participating in a bigger campaign.<br />
The group is currently establishing an emergency phone tree with other existing groups and activist networks in Hackney to provide an emergency number for people worried about losing their home. Members hope that the phone tree will provide a way for people to stop evictions, through advice, information about group meetings and call-outs to stand in the way of evictions.<br />
The group’s approach combines mutual support and direct action with a local publicity campaign and is linked up with other groups that are more experienced at lobbying. Together with Defend Council Housing, the group are lobbying Hackney council to agree ‘to campaign against cuts in housing benefit and refuse to implement cuts in housing benefit where this is under local control and to promise not to evict tenants who get behind with their rent as a result of the new cuts in housing benefit.’ Defend Council Housing has already got Barking, Dagenham and Islington councils to sign up to this demand.<br />
The lesson from past campaigns, such as that against the poll tax, is clear. The anti-poll tax movement gathered momentum on a ‘Can’t Pay, Won’t Pay’ basis, and included actions such as trying to keep non-payment court cases going as long as possible. Widespread involvement with the campaign only occurred because of the use of direct action by ordinary people to meet people’s immediate, practical needs. It was this that finally won the battle.<br />
Today, we need to recognise that the anti-cuts movement will remain limited to people with experience of political involvement if it does not attempt to help people address their immediate needs. While important, marches and rallies will neither build the movement far beyond ‘the usual suspects’ nor win the campaign against the cuts. As groups such as Hackney Housing Group have shown, by winning individual victories, people’s personal struggles become a collective fight.</p>
<p><small>For more advice on starting an emergency housing group or running a sustainable group, taking direct action and campaigning locally against the housing cuts, get in touch with London Coalition Against Poverty (londoncoalitionagainstpoverty@gmail.com). Other groups that will offer useful advice include Defend Council Housing (info@defendcouncilhousing.org.uk), Advisory Service for Squatters for advice on how to stop evictions (advice@squatter.org.uk) and UK Uncut for wider direct action (www.ukuncut.org.uk)</small></p>
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		<title>The case of the state</title>
		<link>http://www.redpepper.org.uk/the-case-of-the-state/</link>
		<comments>http://www.redpepper.org.uk/the-case-of-the-state/#comments</comments>
		<pubDate>Tue, 30 Nov 2010 18:10:17 +0000</pubDate>
		<dc:creator>admin</dc:creator>
				<category><![CDATA[Books]]></category>
		<category><![CDATA[Isabel Parrott]]></category>

		<guid isPermaLink="false">http://rpnew.nfshost.com/?p=2384</guid>
		<description><![CDATA[Isabel Parrot assesses the continuing relevance of In and Against the State]]></description>
				<content:encoded><![CDATA[<p>In and Against the State first appeared as a 1979 pamphlet written by the ‘London Edinburgh Weekend Return Group’, a collection of socialist public sector workers who sought to understand how they could overcome the contradiction of being full-time state workers and part-time revolutionaries. They had come together as a working group of the Conference of Socialist Economists and included the now quite well-known John Holloway. Seeking to move beyond being public service workers working within the traditional state/individual clients relationship by day and organising to ‘smash the state’ by night, they explore ways that as ‘employees’ and ‘clients’ we can collectivise rather than prevent dissent.<br />
Why, as socialists, the writers ask, do we treat the welfare state as ‘ours’ and the army and the police force as ‘theirs’ when our daily experience teaches us that the welfare state is also estranged from us? Education is there to turn us into workers and healthcare, while providing short-term relief, often fails to address the reasons why we fall ill in the first place. Yet even though the welfare state is not ‘ours’, we still need to defend it because we rely on the services it provides. How do we address this contradiction?<br />
In and Against the State starts with the premise that the state is a set of social relationships whose form is defined by capital. Our task therefore is to challenge these relations and find new ways of organising. The writers present us with a series of conversations with a bus driver, a single mother dependent on benefits for income, teachers, health workers, advice centre workers and members of the Labour Party.<br />
This represents a thoughtful illustration of the conflicts involved in working inside the state and shows us how we can use this position not simply to fight for resources but to change oppressive welfare relations. By treating patients as individual clients, health workers cannot address the collective health problems of tenants living in unsuitable housing. However, by assessing a group of tenants or homeless persons and linking them up so that they can challenge a landlord or council collectively, people can break out of their isolated positions and we can begin to see a way forward for socialist struggle.<br />
In and Against the State remains highly relevant today because in the face of the current round of public sector cuts we face similar questions about how we work, how we make demands of the state and how we defend public services.<br />
Despite the fact that it was written over 30 years ago, it taps into unresolved debates on the left and provides a creative starting point for thinking about more participatory forms of action.<br />
Refreshingly, the writers do not set aside their own personal experiences from their politics, nor do they attribute working class individualist sentiments or unwillingness to organise against the cuts simply to ‘false consciousness’. When public services are withdrawn because of strike action, it is often working class people who suffer more than the state or management. Similarly, those who work in caring professions are still today unwilling to join a trade union or go on strike because they feel that this contradicts their caring role.<br />
This leads to a questioning of the standard response of the left to our current crisis: that unions and workers should be prepared to respond to the cuts with traditional industrial militancy.<br />
The writers go some way to addressing these difficulties – for example, setting out alternative forms of militant workplace action that do not alienate part of the workforce or service users, such as refusing to clean management offices, refusing to attend NHS staff meetings or running staffing timetables collectively.<br />
Equally, as the crisis sets in and we enter a time of austerity measures, the writers of In and Against the State remind us that we should not let this limit our horizons. For example, as unemployed workers we should assert our ‘right to work’, but equally we should assert a right to work that is valid for us, a right not to accept demeaning or low paid jobs, a right not to work when caring for children and a right to more than a life spent working.<br />
In and Against the State is a book for everyone because it reminds us that our own experiences in relation to the state and to capital are important. The state gives us some of the services we need but we experience this in an autocratic way, in a way that puts us down and compartmentalises our difficulties. We need to engage in struggles that prefigure what we are fighting for.<br />
For the writers of In and Against the State, one example of this was in law centres, where instead of treating each client individually, workers launched campaigns with them and supported them to organise together against their landlord or against the council. A similar approach might be to use a union meeting designed for pay or contract-related discussions to also talk about different approaches to education or to patient care.<br />
In and Against the State is an interesting and timely read that prioritises grass-roots and participatory organisation and invites further thought and discussion.<br />
<small>In and Against the State is available to read online at <a href="http://www.libcom.org/library/against-state-1979">www.libcom.org/library/against-state-1979</a></small></p>
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