The most recent statistics show that the government has to more than redouble its efforts if it is to have any chance of meeting its target of halving child poverty by 2010. While it was right to prioritise children and pensioners, its lack of concern about poverty among childless adults of working age has come back to haunt it in the 10p tax band fiasco. The poverty rate for working-age childless adults is now close to a modern record, according to the Institute for Fiscal Studies (Poverty and Inequality in the UK: 2008 by Mike Brewer, Alastair Muriel, David Phillips and Luke Sibieta).
More generally, the government’s unwillingness to acknowledge underlying structural inequalities, such as of class, gender and ethnicity, or how its own economic policy has fuelled inequality, particularly at the very top of the income distribution, means that economic inequality is slightly wider than when Labour came to power more than a decade ago.
In 2006/07, the top fifth of earners enjoyed 44 per cent of the country’s post-tax income; while the bottom fifth made do with just 6 per cent (1 per cent less than in 1997/98). While it is important to contrast this with the massive widening of the wealth gap under the Tories, and to acknowledge that without Labour’s anti-poverty policies the gap would be wider still, we have to say loud and clear that this is just not good enough.
Equality stands at the heart of the progressive agenda. As a material reality inequality distorts our lives and our social and political relationships with each other. The ideal of equality offers us hope of a better society and way of being. It is rare to hear New Labour politicians talking in such terms. Instead, the talk is of meritocratic opportunity, aspiration and social mobility.
Not everyone can or wants to climb the meritocratic ladder. Why, for instance, should someone who sees their vocation as caring for others – be it children or older people – have to make do with a pitiful fraction of the rewards enjoyed by those in the City or on a football pitch?
The very fabric and construction of the ladder is unfair in terms of the skills and experience it values and, as the reference to care work suggests, the bias in its construction is heavily weighted against women. Moreover, the ability to live a full and flourishing life should not be the preserve of the privileged, but should exist for everyone regardless of their place on the ladder.
Changing the terms of the debate
One reason for New Labour’s timidity is that even those who subscribe to a more egalitarian agenda fear that it will alienate the electorate. It is one of the paradoxes of public attitudes that surveys consistently show a large majority unhappy about the disproportionate rewards at the top and about the gap between rich and poor. Yet a much smaller and diminishing group supports redistributive policies to narrow the gap.
This may be indicative of the limits of a policy of redistribution by stealth without a clear articulation of egalitarian values in mainstream political debate. If even a Labour government is not prepared to make the case for redistribution, then perhaps the public comes to believe the case is a weak one and that government does not have a legitimate role to play in narrowing the gap.
If that is what has happened, then one of our main challenges is how to change the terms of the public debate and make the case for tackling inequality. What follows does not claim to be the answer but simply offers some ideas.
The first step is to convince the public and the government that urgent action is essential for the health of our society; the second is to make a persuasive case for government action. This means painting a tangible picture of how inequality harms us and of what a more equal society might look like.
The statistics about inequality and poverty do not get us very far. They are important in measuring change and holding governments to account. But they don’t engage people; indeed they can have the opposite effect, as often people simply don’t believe them.
Can we therefore find ways of bringing home the reality of inequality’s corrosive impact on everyday lives? On people’s health – for instance, Michael Marmot’s example of the 11-year life expectancy gap between Hampstead and St Pancras, the same as between the UK and Guatemala? (‘Reducing inequalities in heath: a policy choice’ by Michael Marmot in Live Longer Under Labour!, Fabian Review vol 120, no 1, 2008). On access to housing? On children’s educational experiences and life chances? On the environment in which people live, and the quality of their social relations?
As the work of Marmot and Richard Wilkinson, professor of social epidemiology at the University of Nottingham and author of The Impact of Inequality: how to make sick societies healthier (Routledge, 2005), demonstrates, it is not just those living in poverty who suffer but those on low to middling incomes too; indeed the whole fabric of society is damaged.
The need for such examples points to a missing space in political debate between the details of specific policies and the generality of abstract values. This space needs to be filled in with a more concrete vision of what a more equal society might look like. And we have to show that we believe that such a society is possible.
The irresponsible rich
One of the values upon which New Labour places great emphasis is responsibility. Responsibility is an important element of citizenship but I am tired of constantly hearing about the responsibilities of ‘the poor’ and the need to change their behaviour and nothing about the responsibilities of the privileged. It is time to expose their irresponsible behaviour, which is considerably more damaging to society. Three examples of this irresponsible behaviour relate to the economy, the exchequer and the environment.
Most visible in recent months has been the irresponsible behaviour of those in the City and the boardroom driving high-risk, bonus-crazy, irresponsible capitalism, leading to the credit crunch, which hurts other people much more than themselves.
During the boom the rich distorted the housing market, particularly in London, contributing to unprecedented levels of housing inequality, and now the credit crunch is squeezing those at the lower end of the housing market. The TUC has recently drawn attention to the irresponsibility of tax evasion and avoidance by individuals and companies, who cheat society of resources and act as if it is their right not to pay their dues.
From a global perspective, Christian Aid has argued that the lives of almost 1,000 children could be saved every day if only the super-rich and the world’s largest companies paid their fair shares in taxes. And that figure relates only to illegal, trade-related tax evasion; it would be far higher if it included other forms of tax evasion and legal methods of tax avoidance. The report (Death and Taxes: the true toll of tax-dodging, May 2008) points out how the pursuit of profit trumps social responsibility.
Finally, we should name and shame the ecological irresponsibility involved in the ways in which many of the rich spend their money. Earlier this year I watched in fascinated horror Robert Peston’s BBC programme on the super-rich. The only woman to whom he spoke was part of the industry that has grown up to help the super-rich spend their money; as more than 90 per cent of the richest 0.1 per cent is male this gender bias is not surprising. We’re not just talking gas-guzzling cars here but massive ‘super’ yachts, private jets, submarines and a Valentine’s Day dinner on an Arctic iceberg.
It is those in poverty both domestically and globally who pay a higher price for climate change. Globally, a series of reports has underlined how the costs of global warming are borne disproportionately by the poorest countries, with predictions of growing numbers of environmental refugees as a result. In the UK, to take just one example from a new book on social justice and public policy, half of all carcinogenic emissions occur in the 20 per cent most deprived wards, in contrast to 9 per cent in the 20 per cent least deprived (‘Understanding environmental justice’ by Maria Adebowale in Social Justice and Public Policy eds Gary Craig et al, Policy Press 2008).
We need, therefore, to do more to link the inequality and environmental agendas. The notion of environmental justice has been developed but it is not yet part of mainstream political debate and the extent to which the rich are fuelling environmental injustice is not being exposed.
The second step in changing the nature of the debate on inequality involves rebuilding public confidence in the state (with all its flaws) as an instrument of fairness, with reference to both distribution and redistribution. There needs to be another look at the remuneration structures that fuel inequality. Giving shareholders the power to vote on directors’ pay has not worked.
It is depressing to contrast the German Christian Democrat chancellor Angela Merkel’s call for a crackdown on fat cat abuses with John Hutton’s celebration of super-high salaries as an indicator of success. Indeed, the British government intends to lead the opposition when it comes to EU finance ministers’ plans to attack the ‘social scourge’ of excessive executive pay and bonuses. The political mood among EU leaders and the evidence of public disquiet about the distribution of original incomes and about excessive high salaries and bonuses creates potential space for a debate about inequality.
Questions such as what is a fair differential between top and bottom earnings and about the rewards attached to different kinds of work should be part of the debate. A responsibility agenda opens up the space to talk about taxation, not as a burden but as an exercise of citizenship responsibility. There is still a strong case for a higher rate of tax for those earning over £100,000. This could raise nearly £8 billion – more than twice the minimum needed to meet the next child poverty target, even allowing for behavioural changes (primarily tax avoidance) in response to any tax increase. Such changes could be minimised if a higher rate were combined with tougher action on tax abuses, as called for by the TUC.
In addition, other reforms could make the tax and national insurance systems more progressive and wealth inequalities could be reduced through reform of inheritance tax, as proposed recently by the Fabian Society.
At the other end of the income distribution, a focus on the responsibilities of the rich would fit well with the government’s call in its latest child poverty strategy document for a new ‘contract out of poverty’ in which ‘all parts of society will do their bit’. Paying more tax is one way the rich can ‘do their bit’. This would help to pay for the improvements in benefits and tax credits, which have to be one element in achieving the child poverty targets.
Current benefit up-rating policy, which links most benefits to prices but not average household incomes, is criticised for fuelling economic inequality in a recent Joseph Rowntree Foundation-funded report (Keeping up or falling behind? The impact of benefit and tax uprating on incomes and poverty by Holly Sutherland, Ruth Hancock, John Hills and Francesca Zantomio, Institute for Social and Economic Research, 2008).
While the government is to be congratulated for improving financial support for children in real terms, it has ignored their parents’ benefits. Moreover, the differential impact of inflation on those on low incomes, as the prices of necessities such as food and fuel soar, eats into low wages and benefits and means that inflation-proofing is not providing adequate protection.
As the government places more and more emphasis on the responsibilities of benefit recipients, and as benefits become increasingly conditional, it should articulate a clear goal of a right to benefit sufficient to enable people to live decently and with dignity in keeping with human rights principles.
At the Compass conference on equality in June, ministers sympathetic to the equality agenda acknowledged its importance but lacked any sense of urgency with regard to the action needed. If Labour only has two more years in power, it should use the time to turn the tide of inequality decisively; otherwise it would be a tragedy of missed opportunity if, after three full terms, it left Britain more unequal than when it came to power.
Ruth Lister is professor of social policy at Loughborough University. This article is based on her keynote presentation at the Compass Robin Cook Memorial Conference on equality in June 2008
Hilary Wainwright argues against reclaiming populism for the left and for a leadership that supports people’s capacity for self-government
It may seem as though these apps are working for us, but we are also working for the apps, writes Kurt Iveson
It's over 100 years ago that domestic workers began to organise to demand the same rights as other workers. Yet with LSE cleaners on strike this week, historian Laura Schwartz asks: how much has really changed?
Omar Barghouti asks whether Donald Trump, in his recent break with America’s long-standing support for the two-state solution, has unwittingly revived the debate about the plausibility, indeed the necessity, of a single, democratic state in historic Palestine?
Glenn Greenwald was interviewed by Amandla Thomas-Johnson over the phone from Brazil. Here is what he had to say on the War on Terror, Trump, and the 'special relationship'
In 1972 David Widgery wrote about the bitter intensity of love in capitalism
Andrew Dolan on how the left must match the anti-establishment rhetoric of the right, but with a different politics
Emma Snaith speaks with directors Emer Mary Morris and Nina Scott about the power of theatre to encourage community resistance to estate demolitions.
In the first of a series of interviews with migrants' rights and racial justice activists from the US, Marienna Pope-Weidemann speaks to Peter Pedemonti, co-founder and director of the New Sanctuary Movement in Philadelphia
Photos from The World Transformed festival in Liverpool, by David Walters
Red Pepper’s race section: open editorial meeting 19 April
On April 19th, we’ll be holding the second of Red Pepper’s Race Section Open Editorial Meetings.
Changing our attitude to Climate Change
Paul Allen of the Centre for Alternative Technology spells out what we need to do to break through the inaction over climate change
Introducing Trump’s Inner Circle
Donald Trump’s key allies are as alarming as the man himself
Secrets and spies of Scotland Yard
A new Espionage Act threatens whistleblowers and journalists, writes Sarah Kavanagh
#AndABlackWomanAtThat – part II: a discussion of power and privilege
In the second article of a three-part series, Sheri Carr reflects on the silencing of black women and the flaws in safe spaces
How progressive is the ‘progressive alliance’?
We need an anti-austerity alliance, not a vaguely progressive alliance, argues Michael Calderbank
The YPJ: Fighting Isis on the frontline
Rahila Gupta talks to Kimmie Taylor about life on the frontline in Rojava
Joint statement on George Osborne’s appointment to the Evening Standard
'We have come together to denounce this brazen conflict of interest and to champion the growing need for independent, truthful and representative media'
Paul O’Connell and Michael Calderbank consider the conditions that led to the Brexit vote, and how the left in Britain should respond
On the right side of history: an interview with Mijente
Marienna Pope-Weidemann speaks to Reyna Wences, co-founder of Mijente, a radical Latinx and Chincanx organising network
Disrupting the City of London Corporation elections
The City of London Corporation is one of the most secretive and least understood institutions in the world, writes Luke Walter
#AndABlackWomanAtThat: a discussion of power and privilege
In the first article of a three-part series, Sheri Carr reflects on the oppression of her early life and how we must fight it, even in our own movement
Corbyn understands the needs of our communities
Ian Hodson reflects on the Copeland by-election and explains why Corbyn has the full support of The Bakers Food and Allied Workers Union
Red Pepper’s race section: open editorial meeting 15 March
On 15 March, we’ll be holding the first of Red Pepper’s Race Section open editorial meetings.
Social Workers Without Borders
Jenny Nelson speaks to Lauren Wroe about a group combining activism and social work with refugees
Growing up married
Laura Nicholson interviews Dr Eylem Atakav about her new film, Growing Up Married, which tells the stories of Turkey’s child brides
The Migrant Connections Festival: solidarity needs meaningful relationships
On March 4 & 5 Bethnal Green will host a migrant-led festival fostering community and solidarity for people of all backgrounds, writes Sohail Jannesari
Reclaiming Holloway Homes
The government is closing old, inner-city jails. Rebecca Roberts looks at what happens next
Intensification of state violence in the Kurdish provinces of Turkey
Oppression increases in the run up to Turkey’s constitutional referendum, writes Mehmet Ugur from Academics for Peace
Pass the domestic violence bill
Emma Snaith reports on the significance of the new anti-domestic violence bill
Report from the second Citizen’s Assembly of Podemos
Sol Trumbo Vila says the mandate from the Podemos Assembly is to go forwards in unity and with humility
Protect our public lands
Last summer Indigenous people travelled thousands of miles around the USA to tell their stories and build a movement. Julie Maldonado reports
From the frontlines
Red Pepper’s new race editor, Ashish Ghadiali, introduces a new space for black and minority progressive voices
How can we make the left sexy?
Jenny Nelson reports on a session at The World Transformed
In pictures: designing for change
Sana Iqbal, the designer behind the identity of The World Transformed festival and the accompanying cover of Red Pepper, talks about the importance of good design
Angry about the #MuslimBan? Here are 5 things to do
As well as protesting against Trump we have a lot of work to get on with here in the UK. Here's a list started by Platform
Who owns our land?
Guy Shrubsole gives some tips for finding out
Don’t delay – ditch coal
Take action this month with the Coal Action Network. By Anne Harris
Utopia: Work less play more
A shorter working week would benefit everyone, writes Madeleine Ellis-Petersen
Mum’s Colombian mine protest comes to London
Anne Harris reports on one woman’s fight against a multinational coal giant