Taking the asylum war to Blunkett

While energetic in campaigning against the specific excesses of government asylum policy, the left has yet to offer any ideas for an alternative programme. Here, Red Pepper aims to initiate a debate on the issue.

January 1, 2004
7 min read

The latest Immigration and Asylum Bill is the fifth piece of such legislation in the last 11 years. Each has been more repressive than the last, with the latest including measures such as electronic tagging and the removal of children from failed asylum seeker parents if the latter refuse to return to their countries of origin. It is disheartening that the left’s response to the government’s plans has been so muted. If ever there was a repressed and marginalised minority asylum seekers are it. They are the bottom of the pile. In the most basic terms asylum seekers, especially failed ones, are the poorest people in society.

We have allowed the government, particularly home secretary David Blunkett (though we can’t be sure how much Tony Blair is backing him on this issue), to make the running in terms of policy on immigration and asylum seekers – not only in the UK, but in Europe as well. There has been a good deal of protest from the liberal press, pressure groups and the left that has secured some successes, the most notable being the withdrawal of the food-vouchers scheme. But nobody seems to be making much effort to formulate a realistic alternative that might unite this opposition and mobilise the mass of the people against government asylum policy.

The truth is that many of us working with refugee organisations are so immersed in the desperate daily problems facing asylum seekers that we have had little time to stand back and work on a comprehensive alternative. Any such programme must involve countering the demonisation of asylum seekers in the media. This demonisation conflicts directly with the government’s stated aim of community cohesion. Red Pepper wants to use its pages to stimulate an urgent debate to produce such a programme. First we need to be clear about what we are up against.

Government policy

The main thrust of government policy is to reduce the number of asylum seekers coming to the UK. This is to be achieved by making it very difficult for people to get into the country and by making the period in which people must wait for decisions on asylum applications as unpleasant as possible. Superficially, the policy seems to have worked. The number of people claiming asylum has halved over the past six months.

The likelihood is, however, that just as many people are entering the country as before but that 50 per cent of them are not bothering to claim asylum. There is only anecdotal evidence of this, but if it is the case then the government may have simply compounded the burden on refugee communities supporting relatives and friends, and increased the numbers of super-exploited workers paid below the minimum wage.

On the Continent the focus is on border controls in the EU’s perimeter countries. EU member states have agreed to share information so as to prevent people from claiming asylum in more than one EU country, and to allow the UK to return asylum seekers to other European countries that they may have passed through previously. Discussions are continuing about harmonising – effectively to the lowest level – support for asylum seekers.

The stated aims of the British government are four-fold: asylum seekers should spend the minimum time in the UK before a decision is made about their claims; assistance should be at a sub-Income Support level, and asylum seekers should have a minimum level of rights compared with UK citizens; asylum seekers should be closely tracked and monitored while in the UK; and failed applicants should leave the country immediately following a negative decision.

The UK’s already biased and unfair process of making decisions on asylum applications has been made much worse. There is now radically reduced access to competent legal services. Financial and material support has been reduced to the extent that people cannot always afford food. The final brutality is that the government has removed access to support for people facing deportation; the idea is to force failed asylum seekers to return home ‘voluntarily’. These measures have reinforced the media frenzy against asylum seekers that has fuelled the kind of fears and xenophobia that drive people towards the BNP. Polls show that over 30 per cent of the British public believes the issue of asylum seekers is their number-one concern.

Debating alternatives

What alternative policies are currently under debate? The mainstream liberal line is that we just need to make existing agreements work properly: there is nothing wrong with the UN’s 1951 Refugee Convention, the problem is to do with the way the convention is exercised; there should be a fair immigration system, in which people’s claims are carefully but quickly considered and they are given permission to stay in the UK or are returned to their countries of origin; while they remain in the UK, asylum seekers should be supported decently by the state.

This view is based on the suspect belief that it is right to distinguish those who have been persecuted from migrants who may be moving because they have no possibilities of earning a living, they have been displaced or they have suffered in any number of other ways. But suffering feels much the same whether it is caused by a repressive regime or grinding poverty.

More recently the mainstream line has embraced the concept of managed migration. This acknowledges the highly problematic relationship between developed and developing nations. It legitimises the present situation of effectively setting quotas by which the state decides how many new economic and other migrants it is prepared to let into the country. However, it is entirely unclear on what basis decisions are made about quotas. And the principle of managed migration is based on the questionable assumption that the UK is really able to control its borders.

The radical alternative, and the one that many of us feel in our hearts is the right one, is the idea of ‘no borders’: people should be free to go wherever they please. The nation state is a recently created and dangerous racist fallacy that should be opposed. This solution takes the moral high ground, but to make it a feasible policy we need to go on to debate the steps that must be taken to get there. It is essential that asylum seekers themselves should participate in that debate.

Any such debate must:

-# put the latest wave of migration into its proper historical context by highlighting the importance of immigration to the cultural and economic history of the UK;

-# address the reasons why people migrate, including the relationships between developed and developing countries;

-# take place within the context of a wider European debate about immigration;

-# address the issue of forcible return; this is the most difficult issue for many of us, but if there are to be any kinds of control then it needs to be discussed;

-# recognise the level of public concern about immigration, not just dismiss people because we don’t like what they are saying;

-# address the impact of migration on employment rights, particularly with regard to enforcement of the minimum wage and exploitation of illegal workers;

-# deal with the issue of numbers, both to dispel myths and to address real issues including sustainability and regional distribution;

-# address the impact of migration on local services, including health, housing and education; and

-# promote active integration; the state has a responsibility to enable and hasten integration, and must address related issues of citizenship and community cohesion.

This would not be an easy debate. But we have to provide an alternative to government policy, or we will fail the migrants that we want to welcome to the UK. We need to be leading the debate for realisable alternative policies, not just responding to the next wave of repressive legislation. Many asylum seekers still see the UK as a tolerant, multi-racial beacon of democracy. This is something to be proud of but which we are in danger of losing.

Red Pepper is an independent, non-profit magazine that puts left politics and culture at the heart of its stories. We think publications should embrace the values of a movement that is unafraid to take a stand, radical yet not dogmatic, and focus on amplifying the voices of the people and activists that make up our movement. If you think so too, please support Red Pepper in continuing our work by becoming a subscriber today.
Why not try our new pay as you feel subscription? You decide how much to pay.

Contagion: how the crisis spread
Following on from his essay, How Empire Struck Back, Walden Bello speaks to TNI's Nick Buxton about how the financial crisis spread from the USA to Europe

How empire struck back
Walden Bello dissects the failure of Barack Obama's 'technocratic Keynesianism' and explains why this led to Donald Trump winning the US presidency

Empire en vogue
Nadine El-Enany examines the imperial pretensions of Britain's post-Brexit foreign affairs and trade strategy

Grenfell Tower residents evicted from hotel with just hours’ notice
An urgent call for support from the Radical Housing Network

Jeremy Corbyn is no longer the leader of the opposition – he has become the People’s Prime Minister
While Theresa May hides away, Corbyn stands with the people in our hours of need, writes Tom Walker

In the aftermath of this disaster, we must fight to restore respect and democracy for council tenants
Glyn Robbins says it's time to put residents, not private firms, back at the centre of decision-making over their housing

After Grenfell: ending the murderous war on our protections
Under cover of 'cutting red tape', the government has been slashing safety standards. It's time for it to stop, writes Christine Berry

Why the Grenfell Tower fire means everything must change
The fire was a man-made atrocity, says Faiza Shaheen – we must redesign our economic system so it can never happen again

Forcing MPs to take an oath of allegiance to the monarchy undermines democracy
As long as being an MP means pledging loyalty to an unelected head of state, our parliamentary system will remain undemocratic, writes Kate Flood

7 reasons why Labour can win the next election
From the rise of Grime for Corbyn to the reduced power of the tabloids, Will Murray looks at the reasons to be optimistic for Labour's chances next time

Red Pepper’s race section: open editorial meeting 25 June
On June 25th, the fourth of Red Pepper Race Section's Open Editorial Meetings will celebrate the launch of our new black writers' issue - Empire Will Eat Itself.

After two years of attacks on Corbyn supporters, where are the apologies?
In the aftermath of this spectacular election result, some issues in the Labour Party need addressing, argues Seema Chandwani

If Corbyn’s Labour wins, it will be Attlee v Churchill all over again
Jack Witek argues that a Labour victory is no longer unthinkable – and it would mean the biggest shake-up since 1945

On the life of Robin Murray, visionary economist
Hilary Wainwright pays tribute to the life and legacy of Robin Murray, one of the key figures of the New Left whose vision of a modern socialism lies at the heart of the Labour manifesto.

Letter from the US: Dear rest of the world, I’m just as confused as you are
Kate Harveston apologises for the rise of Trump, but promises to make it up to us somehow

The myth of ‘stability’ with Theresa May
Settit Beyene looks at the truth behind the prime minister's favourite soundbite

Civic strike paralyses Colombia’s principle pacific port
An alliance of community organisations are fighting ’to live with dignity’ in the face of military repression. Patrick Kane and Seb Ordoñez report.

Greece’s heavy load
While the UK left is divided over how to respond to Brexit, the people of Greece continue to groan under the burden of EU-backed austerity. Jane Shallice reports

On the narcissism of small differences
In an interview with the TNI's Nick Buxton, social scientist and activist Susan George reflects on the French Presidential Elections.

Why Corbyn’s ‘unpopularity’ is exaggerated: Polls show he’s more popular than most other parties’ leaders – and on the up
Headlines about Jeremy Corbyn’s poor approval ratings in polls don’t tell the whole story, writes Alex Nunns

Job vacancy: Red Pepper is looking for a political organiser
Closing date for applications: postponed, see below

The media wants to demoralise Corbyn’s supporters – don’t let them succeed
Michael Calderbank looks at the results of yesterday's local elections

In light of Dunkirk: What have we learned from the (lack of) response in Calais?
Amy Corcoran and Sam Walton ask who helps refugees when it matters – and who stands on the sidelines

Osborne’s first day at work – activists to pulp Evening Standards for renewable energy
This isn’t just a stunt. A new worker’s cooperative is set to employ people on a real living wage in a recycling scheme that is heavily trolling George Osborne. Jenny Nelson writes

Red Pepper’s race section: open editorial meeting 24 May
On May 24th, we’ll be holding the third of Red Pepper’s Race Section Open Editorial Meetings.

Our activism will be intersectional, or it will be bullshit…
Reflecting on a year in the environmental and anti-racist movements, Plane Stupid activist, Ali Tamlit, calls for a renewed focus on the dangers of power and privilege and the means to overcome them.

West Yorkshire calls for devolution of politics
When communities feel that power is exercised by a remote elite, anger and alienation will grow. But genuine regional democracy offers a positive alternative, argue the Same Skies Collective

How to resist the exploitation of digital gig workers
For the first time in history, we have a mass migration of labour without an actual migration of workers. Mark Graham and Alex Wood explore the consequences

The Digital Liberties cross-party campaign
Access to the internet should be considered as vital as access to power and water writes Sophia Drakopoulou

#AndABlackWomanAtThat – part III: a discussion of power and privilege
In the final article of a three-part series, Sheri Carr gives a few pointers on how to be a good ally