March 1996: The Scottish Socialist Alliance (SSA), which will become the Scottish Socialist Party (SSP) within two years, is dismissed by political commentator Alex Neil as “a ragbag of far-left revolutionaries and malcontents who never stay in any party for longer than 10 minutes’.
May 2003: At an election count in Glasgow outgoing Scottish National Party MSP Kenny Gibson calls the SSP the party of “neds, drug-dealers and housebreakers’. Gibson has reason to be angry. His party has just suffered painful electoral losses. The SSP, by contrast, has exceeded everyone’s expectations, returning six MSPs to the Scottish Parliament.
December 2003: Five Scottish branches of the Rail, Maritime and Transport Union vote overwhelmingly to affiliate to the SSP – a development that spells the beginning of the end for the Labour Party’s working-class credentials in Scotland.
Today, the SSP’s membership exceeds 3,000, which makes it one of the biggest socialist parties in Europe per head of population. How did this happen? How did the SSP grow from a tiny grouping of left and single-issue activists (a grouping that was ridiculed or ignored by the Scottish media, had no money, few resources and any number of ideological sticking points to thrash out) into one of the fastest growing new left parties in Europe? And in such a short time?
These are good and timely questions. The Iraq war has raised people’s political consciousness, and opened the window on the shortcomings of parliamentary democracy – the manoeuvrings by governments on behalf of international capital and their sheer, bloody disregard for ordinary people’s lives.
But this window will not stay open for long. Human beings cannot gape in horror for ever, and if they don’t find a place to run to soon they’ll run back home – to political disengagement or the safe confines of the “reclaim the Labour Party’ campaign – and the left will have lost them.
The SSP’s roots can be traced back to a variety of soils: the Scottish anti-poll tax campaign, motorway protest groups, hunt sabs, the Socialist Conferences in Chesterfield (which, after the miners’ strike of 1984-85, sought to bring together socialists from inside and outside the Labour Party) and the radical nationalist movement. People up trees and down mines and round trade union negotiating tables came together to mould the SSP, and they’re still bloody well arguing today, which is probably a very good thing.
The ability to conduct debate, furiously and openly, without sustaining multiple fractures or jeopardising the possibility of united action, is one of the secrets of the SSP’s success. It is perhaps the key thing that distinguishes it from other socialist parties; that and its affinity with the social movements rising like waves across Europe and beyond.
SSP ally and former Labour MSP John McAllion says: “The SSP’s great strength is its reaching outside of itself& It used to be that once a political party established a line, its members were loyal to that: my party, right or wrong. That kind of politics is finished.’
The SSP story begins in the 1980s – in the wake of the miners’ strike, which left the Labour Party discredited and the trade union movement in sharp reverse gear, and the collapse of Stalinism. The left was reeling as it read the press announcements of its own demise.
But before the earth had been stamped down on the left’s grave, new shoots were pushing through. In 1989 the Conservative government in Westminster introduced the “community charge’, or poll tax, to Scotland (one year ahead of the rest of the UK). This flat-rate tax was a body blow to the already struggling working-class people of Scotland, and they revolted against it. Scottish Militant Labour (SML), with Tommy Sheridan as its most prominent figure, organised a campaign that brought together people from across the political and class spectrum.
The Anti-Poll Tax Federation organised huge demonstrations and a non-payment campaign; at one stage half the population of Glasgow refused to pay the tax. Though members of political parties were involved, their political colours stayed out of it: Sheridan was elected to Glasgow City Council on an anti-poll tax union ticket, not as a member of SML. “The federation got people together, got them marching into the city chambers, destroying files, doing things they’d never done before,’ says SSP policy coordinator Alan McCombes.
The poll tax activity set a precedent for subsequent campaigns, such as that against the Criminal Justice Bill. SML contacted hunt saboteurs, the anti-M77 motorway campaign Pollok Free State, ravers, ramblers, political groups – anyone whose rights were potentially infringed by the bill’s clampdown on civil liberties – to link up protests and, more importantly, get the scattered resistance talking to itself.
That was how anti-roads protester turned SSP MSP for Glasgow Rosie Kane got involved. “That was my in from being just anti-motorway,’ says Kane, “the realisation that something bigger was going on, that the decision-making process wasn’t democratic.’
Meanwhile, socialists within the Labour party were gathering at the Chesterfield conferences, debating the future of the left and whether their party was still relevant. Socialist Forums were also organised in Scotland, and were attended by non-aligned individuals and delegates and members of the Communist Party, Labour, the SNP, SML, and small protest groups and campaigns. Tentatively, a new way of working was mooted, a new party even. You might have thought that a mixture of traditionalist Trotskyists, hardened trade unionists, nationalists and political virgins wouldn’t work. You’d have been wrong.
“It worked because it encouraged difference, and it encouraged people like me, working-class people, who had nowhere to run,’ says Kane. “I wasn’t politically intelligent, but I knew that Glasgow was under attack and that this thing was drawing in people from all kinds of direct-action backgrounds and listening to what they had to say.’
The SSA was launched in February 1996, alongside the Save Our Services campaign, created in response to a swingeing diet of school and community closures in Glasgow. The campaign, recalls SSP national secretary Allan Green, “saw the majority of the schools reprieved and drew in a lot of community activists’. Green says: “As well as generating a lot of local activity and putting forward the idea of a real political alternative, [it] showed that the SSA wasn’t a front organisation that fought elections and then, between times, fell back into its constituent parts.’
The SSA’s formation had been accelerated by the launch of Arthur Scargill’s Socialist Labour Party (SLP). The latter was organised on the lines of a traditional, democratic, centralist party, with a pre-written constitution and a non-negotiable UK-wide basis. “In Scotland we’d always been clear that the new left party had to be an autonomous one,’ says Green. “The class struggle was tied up in people’s minds with the issue of Scottish autonomy.’
It was already clear that Labour would win the 1997 general election and that a Scottish parliament was inevitable. That the party’s voting systems would incorporate proportional representation meant that small parties stood a chance of getting elected. But an electoral alliance could only ever be a stage in the process.
In 1996 “people were still suspicious’, says Green. “They weren’t ready for the big leap then, and we felt we wouldn’t get anywhere by issuing ultimatums.’ Similarly, it was implicitly understood that SML had to take its time if its pro-SSA activists were to take the majority of members with them.
Efforts were made to sustain trust between the SML and the alliance. Former Militant organiser Frances Curran is now a West of Scotland SSP MSP. She says: “We saw the dangers of making decisions behind closed doors, which is why, when we were still having meetings as SML, we invited people like Allan Green along to them. I’d tell him everything. Working together brings down a lot of barriers.’
The SML braced itself for a bitter divorce from the traditionally top-down Socialist Party (formerly Militant) in England and Wales. A new party needed a new way of organising itself. The top-down approach rankled: it closed down debate and proved to be self-limiting.
Like the Socialist Workers Party (SWP), SML had put down some roots in working-class communities, had got so far but no further. It wasn’t a mass movement, and showed no signs of becoming one. On the other hand, the dissent that Labour wore on its sleeve like a badge of honour, but which allowed its elected representatives and leadership to disregard conference votes, wasn’t much better.
The SSP heeded these lessons. The majority of its executive committee is elected directly at conference. The national conference also sets the party’s policies. And the SSP’s national council comprises delegates from every branch.
Mindful of its majority status within the fledgling SSP, SML chose not to organise a rigid, centralist faction. SML members knew that a united left movement could not progress, or build trust, if one faction dominated and used that position to fashion a party in its own image. Though the old SML still exists as the International Socialist Movement (ISM) platform within the SSP, it functions as a forum for ideas – not as an organisational caucus.
The SSP was formed in 1998; Sheridan became the party’s first MSP at the 1999 Scottish Parliament elections. The SWP came on board in 2001. The SWP faction within the SSP operates as a solid phalanx that pre-determines its position before entering discussions with the broader party. Given that most SSP members approach debates with an open mind, this can cause friction. But because the SWP platform doesn’t dominate the SSP, it cannot undermine its integrity.
That the SSP’s membership is witness to the rigorous democracy of the party is hugely important – not least when contentious debates over issues such as the national question arise. Those who opposed the proposal to join a cross-party “Independence Convention’ argued that independence was not a pressing issue for ordinary Scots; those in favour described independence as an extension of democracy and part of the transition to socialism. That particular debate was, to put it mildly, heated; there were regrettable outbreaks of name-calling.
Generally, however, name-calling is rare in the SSP. Carolyn Leckie and Catriona Grant, the party’s national co-chairs, always remind conference and the national council that the enemy is “out there’, not sitting next to you. Implying someone’s a racist or reformist because they don’t agree with you is strongly discouraged; aggressive posturing achieves nothing.
The “50/50′ debate, on the issue of equal representation for women on regional election lists, proved equally stormy. But the party survived and everyone accepted the democratic decision. “It showed our maturity as a party,’ says Kane.
That maturity was rubber-stamped by the electorate in last May’s Scottish Parliament elections. The SSP did well because it was seen to be consistent and campaigning, and because people were crying out for a political alternative.
OK, so a small parliamentary group can’t implement a comprehensive socialist programme. But it can undermine an elitism that cons ordinary people into thinking that only members of a “political class’ can become MSPs. By taking only half their wages – the other £24,000 is donated to the party – SSP MSPs are in no danger of being neutered by an addiction to comfy cars and big houses.
Apart from raising important issues, the business of tabling bills facilitates campaigns with branches, members and outside organisations. The SSP’s engagement with social movements, charities, community groups and NGOs is ongoing. The party has a system of networks (black and Asian, animal rights and women’s networks) that link up with groups outside the party – and always in the pluralistic manner in which the party was founded. “We wouldn’t approach anyone and demand they accept our programme,’ says Curran. “We don’t adopt the attitude that we’ve got nothing to learn; we’ve got everything to learn.’
In the short term, the party is preparing for a sustained campaign against the council tax, in tandem with Sheridan’s Parliamentary bill calling for its abolition. Then there’s the European elections. An SSP MEP (a tall order given that more people vote for Pop Idol than turn out for European elections) could make hugely important links with like-minded parties and organisations in Europe, could use the EU’s resources to highlight issues such as asylum, and would continue the valuable process of demystifying our supposedly democratic institutions.
The SSP has other tasks ahead. It needs, for example, to break out beyond its west of Scotland heartland, and to turn those 129,000 votes for socialism into members without compromising the robust, internal democracy that holds the broad-based party together. It also needs to continue reaching out to the disenfranchised, the people in Scotland’s housing schemes who’ve never been to a political meeting, never been to college, never read books, never even had a job. People say homophobic, sectarian, stupid things; it doesn’t mean they believe them, and it doesn’t mean we should dismiss them. As Kane says: “If we don’t tolerate people, help them to learn, how are we going to get into the housing schemes? How are we going to change the world?’Roz Paterson is deputy editor of the SSP’s weekly paper Scottish Socialist Voice; this article was commissioned in collaboration with the New Politics Project of the Transnational Institute, www.tni.org
Hilary Wainwright argues against reclaiming populism for the left and for a leadership that supports people’s capacity for self-government
It may seem as though these apps are working for us, but we are also working for the apps, writes Kurt Iveson
It's over 100 years ago that domestic workers began to organise to demand the same rights as other workers. Yet with LSE cleaners on strike this week, historian Laura Schwartz asks: how much has really changed?
Omar Barghouti asks whether Donald Trump, in his recent break with America’s long-standing support for the two-state solution, has unwittingly revived the debate about the plausibility, indeed the necessity, of a single, democratic state in historic Palestine?
Glenn Greenwald was interviewed by Amandla Thomas-Johnson over the phone from Brazil. Here is what he had to say on the War on Terror, Trump, and the 'special relationship'
In 1972 David Widgery wrote about the bitter intensity of love in capitalism
Andrew Dolan on how the left must match the anti-establishment rhetoric of the right, but with a different politics
Emma Snaith speaks with directors Emer Mary Morris and Nina Scott about the power of theatre to encourage community resistance to estate demolitions.
In the first of a series of interviews with migrants' rights and racial justice activists from the US, Marienna Pope-Weidemann speaks to Peter Pedemonti, co-founder and director of the New Sanctuary Movement in Philadelphia
Photos from The World Transformed festival in Liverpool, by David Walters
Red Pepper’s race section: open editorial meeting 19 April
On April 19th, we’ll be holding the second of Red Pepper’s Race Section Open Editorial Meetings.
Changing our attitude to Climate Change
Paul Allen of the Centre for Alternative Technology spells out what we need to do to break through the inaction over climate change
Introducing Trump’s Inner Circle
Donald Trump’s key allies are as alarming as the man himself
Secrets and spies of Scotland Yard
A new Espionage Act threatens whistleblowers and journalists, writes Sarah Kavanagh
#AndABlackWomanAtThat – part II: a discussion of power and privilege
In the second article of a three-part series, Sheri Carr reflects on the silencing of black women and the flaws in safe spaces
How progressive is the ‘progressive alliance’?
We need an anti-austerity alliance, not a vaguely progressive alliance, argues Michael Calderbank
The YPJ: Fighting Isis on the frontline
Rahila Gupta talks to Kimmie Taylor about life on the frontline in Rojava
Joint statement on George Osborne’s appointment to the Evening Standard
'We have come together to denounce this brazen conflict of interest and to champion the growing need for independent, truthful and representative media'
Paul O’Connell and Michael Calderbank consider the conditions that led to the Brexit vote, and how the left in Britain should respond
On the right side of history: an interview with Mijente
Marienna Pope-Weidemann speaks to Reyna Wences, co-founder of Mijente, a radical Latinx and Chincanx organising network
Disrupting the City of London Corporation elections
The City of London Corporation is one of the most secretive and least understood institutions in the world, writes Luke Walter
#AndABlackWomanAtThat: a discussion of power and privilege
In the first article of a three-part series, Sheri Carr reflects on the oppression of her early life and how we must fight it, even in our own movement
Corbyn understands the needs of our communities
Ian Hodson reflects on the Copeland by-election and explains why Corbyn has the full support of The Bakers Food and Allied Workers Union
Red Pepper’s race section: open editorial meeting 15 March
On 15 March, we’ll be holding the first of Red Pepper’s Race Section open editorial meetings.
Social Workers Without Borders
Jenny Nelson speaks to Lauren Wroe about a group combining activism and social work with refugees
Growing up married
Laura Nicholson interviews Dr Eylem Atakav about her new film, Growing Up Married, which tells the stories of Turkey’s child brides
The Migrant Connections Festival: solidarity needs meaningful relationships
On March 4 & 5 Bethnal Green will host a migrant-led festival fostering community and solidarity for people of all backgrounds, writes Sohail Jannesari
Reclaiming Holloway Homes
The government is closing old, inner-city jails. Rebecca Roberts looks at what happens next
Intensification of state violence in the Kurdish provinces of Turkey
Oppression increases in the run up to Turkey’s constitutional referendum, writes Mehmet Ugur from Academics for Peace
Pass the domestic violence bill
Emma Snaith reports on the significance of the new anti-domestic violence bill
Report from the second Citizen’s Assembly of Podemos
Sol Trumbo Vila says the mandate from the Podemos Assembly is to go forwards in unity and with humility
Protect our public lands
Last summer Indigenous people travelled thousands of miles around the USA to tell their stories and build a movement. Julie Maldonado reports
From the frontlines
Red Pepper’s new race editor, Ashish Ghadiali, introduces a new space for black and minority progressive voices
How can we make the left sexy?
Jenny Nelson reports on a session at The World Transformed
In pictures: designing for change
Sana Iqbal, the designer behind the identity of The World Transformed festival and the accompanying cover of Red Pepper, talks about the importance of good design
Angry about the #MuslimBan? Here are 5 things to do
As well as protesting against Trump we have a lot of work to get on with here in the UK. Here's a list started by Platform
Who owns our land?
Guy Shrubsole gives some tips for finding out
Don’t delay – ditch coal
Take action this month with the Coal Action Network. By Anne Harris
Utopia: Work less play more
A shorter working week would benefit everyone, writes Madeleine Ellis-Petersen
Mum’s Colombian mine protest comes to London
Anne Harris reports on one woman’s fight against a multinational coal giant