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In 1988 a leader in the Independent declared that if there was a party representing the left politics of those gathering at that October’s Socialist Conference in Chesterfield (the movement that was eventually to give birth to Red Pepper) it could gain up to 15 per cent of the vote, writes Hilary Wainwright. Some of us involved in the Socialist Conference, including Ralph Miliband, father of current cabinet members David and Ed, strongly believed in the need for such a party and for the electoral reform that would enable it to thrive.
But we also understood that its emergence was not a matter of political will: it depended on factors we could nether predict nor engineer. In the meantime it was important that like-minded socialists campaign, think and debate together across organisational boundaries. As Labour moved steadily to the right, however, seeking persistently to marginalise the left, we had a growing sense of the disenfranchisement of all those who resisted the Thatcherite consensus.
What was to be done? We needed a voice, independent of any political party, for the socialist, green, feminist politics shared by people from a wide range of political backgrounds – though interpreted in a variety of ways. From this need Red Pepper was born.
In this way Red Pepper has always been more than a magazine. However, being effective as a magazine – attractive, readable, provocative and truthful, using the best techniques of effective communication that we could afford – has always been necessary to our political goal of taking the left outside the ghetto in which our enemies try so hard to confine us.
Nearly two decades on from the Socialist Conferences and 13 years since the first Red Pepper, our political goals have developed and our means of communication have leapt ahead qualitatively (in the first years of Red Pepper, I was delivering my copy to Denise Searle, our founding editor, by hand or post). [Hilary now delivers it by email, which has slowed down the editorial process so much that the magazine has been forced to go bimonthly.]
Experiences of radical left parties in government, whether Brazil’s Workers Party, Italy’s Rifondazione Comunista or Germany’s Greens focused my thinking on something I knew but hadn’t thought through: that social movements (including labour movements) plus a political voice don’t of themselves bring about change. The constraining weight of state institutions with all their bonds with economic power – national and international – and the tendency of political parties, however historically radical, to tie their future to an unconditional presence in these institutions – directed my attention beyond questions of voice to those of how to strengthen a political sphere autonomous from the state.
An independent means of communication such as Red Pepper is one obvious, if modest, tool for such a purpose. After all, autonomy depends on there being the means of developing common values, understandings and organisational, creative and solidaristic bonds across the variety of movements and struggles against injustice.We are attempting to achieve this in circumstances in which the dominant political cultures suck all political energies upwards into the maelstrom of institutional and vertical politics. But Red Pepper itself needs a bit of retooling to be really useful in such a complex process.
So let me clarify this autonomy business a little. From the trade unions, through the women’s movement to the alter-globalisation networks, there has always been an insistence on autonomy. Autonomy from the state and from other ruling institutions is a condition for resistance and struggle. It is a condition, too, for imagining, illustrating and creating alternatives. In contexts such as our own in the UK, where the vote has been struggled for and won – however weakened and blunted its power – autonomy must also be the basis of engagement with the state as well as opposition: a source of deeper forms of democratic power and simultaneously a protection against institutional blandishments and repression. It must be a basis for being both ‘in and against the state’.
The difficulty and counter-conventional character of developing such horizontally bonded political life cannot be over emphasised.The effective destruction of the emerging movement that the left created in France around the European ‘no’ is but the latest example of the destructive weight of national, vertical politics.The history of the left in the UK is littered with the skeletons of movements or would-be movements drawn away from their potential base by the institutional pulling power of national parliamentary politics. (The democratic left pressure group Compass is in danger of being the latest victim.)
The new communication technologies provide us with hugely important tools for strengthening and deepening our criss-crossing forms of politics, though with many risks and ambiguities. But of course technological tools are never sufficient.
There are sometimes mind-sets that can hold back the potential for political innovation. One such has been the over-polarisation of the notions of ‘reform’ and ‘revolution’: the source of many a political muddle. Since 1967 I’ve seen myself as a revolutionary in the sense of committing myself to work for the end of an iniquitous economic system in which the few profit from the labour and, on a global scale, the destitution of the many. But in the past 40 years I’ve also learnt that the way people struggle against this system and all its ramifications doesn’t easily fit into the dichotomy of reform versus revolution.
There is, as Paul Mason puts it, ‘a political space between reform and revolution – so pesky to the ideologists of social democracy and communism’. It involves the constant struggle for control ‘either in the workplace or the community or even in [people’s] own personal lives: less than revolution, more than top-down reform’. For me, Red Pepper is in that political space, supporting struggles for popular control, helping them interconnect and develop their own perspectives and their capacity to develop alternative social institutions and to be able to defend and advance these alternatives in the face of the vicious attacks they will face.An alternative to capitalism can only emerge from such a process.
What does that mean for the here and now?
This requires a quick take on whether Brown’s premiership creates more favourable conditions for this struggle for popular control. (Let us agree that he is not of his own accord going to offer anything significant by way of progressive change.) My take goes back to 1997.This was a moment that contained the potential for real change.
The majority of the people who voted that new government into office thought they were putting an end to nearly two decades of Thatcherism – we don’t need to rehearse what that meant. But New Labour was courting the centre and centre right with Blatcherism and was so focused on exorcising the left from the image and reality of the Labour Party that its proponents had no understanding of the strength of the desire for real change. We all know that story, spelt out in all its arrogant thuggery in the ubiquitous diaries of spin.
The hidden story, though, is of what happened to those expectations. They’ve never gone away. But their expression has been dispersed and uncertain. It includes the election of a series of left trade union leaders, in some cases completely unexpectedly, and now the emergence of entirely new forms of labour organising (see Jane Wills). The election of Ken Livingstone, which Tony Blair pulled out every stop to try to prevent, is another example. The many hundreds of thousands, millions perhaps, who poured on to the streets in protest against war in Iraq is another. So too are the numerous refusals of council tenants to vote for the transfer of their houses.
There’s also the popularity of radical films, music and art; the beneath-the-radar struggles against privatisation of local government services, the health service and education that are also often linked to struggles for the democratisation of those services and local government; the growing support for radical constitutional reform; the bold actions inspired by the alter-globalisation movement on environmental issues and issues of direct international solidarity; the anti-corporate sentiment emerging around many aspects of daily consumption. And so on.
They do not add up to a coherent movement and it is not Red Pepper’s job to corral them to do so. But neither does all this indicate that people are inclined to knock meekly on the doors of the government. They have learnt mistrust the hard way.
The new Red Pepper as magazine aims to provide a space for sharing and debating the alternative strategies that are emerging from those unfulfilled hopes for change, and for drawing on international experience to nourish these debates. It will give a platform for campaigns that lack media outlets over which they have control, a gallery and a stage for artistic endeavours in all media that open up new questions and refresh our sense of possibility.
The new Red Pepper as a website will provide tools for activist networking and debate to help produce the powerful sense of common purpose that we need to keep our nerve, occupy any new spaces opened up by the uncertainty of the Brown government and above all build our autonomy to resist and to propose.
The Spanish state is seizing ballot papers and raiding meetings, write Ignasi Bernat and David Whyte – but it is being met with united resistance
The crunch executive meeting ahead of Labour conference agreed some welcome changes, writes Michael Calderbank, but there is still much further to go
Dipesh Pandya speaks to documentary film-maker Sanjay Kak, who for 30 years has been working outside the mainstream to tell a story rooted in the struggles of those excluded by India’s militarism and its narrative of neoliberal growth
Jeremy Gilbert on how radical Labour politics can be inspired by the utopianism of the counterculture
Disasters have unequal impacts – it's the poor and marginalised who suffer most. David Harvey writes on Hurricane Harvey
Survivors of the fire are still relying on thousands of community volunteers, writes Dan Renwick - but the failed council is plotting a comeback
What if it's not us who are sick, asks Rod Tweedy, but a system at odds with who we are as social beings?
The people could reach a democratic and non-violent solution if they were freed from US meddling, argues Boaventura de Sousa Santos
A decade after the start of the crash, economic power is in our hands – we must take it, writes Ann Pettifor
Naomi Klein: the Corbyn movement is part of a global phenomenon
What radical writer Naomi Klein said in her guest speech to Labour Party conference
Waiting for the future to begin: refugees’ everyday lives in Greece
Solidarity volunteer Karolina Partyga on what she has learned from refugees in Thessaloniki
Don’t let Uber take you for a ride
Uber is no friend of passengers or workers, writes Lewis Norton – the firm has put riders at risk and exploited its drivers
Acid Corbynism’s next steps: building a socialist dance culture
Matt Phull and Will Stronge share more thoughts about the postcapitalist potential of the Acid Corbynist project
Flooding the cradle of civilisation: A 12,000 year old town in Kurdistan battles for survival
It’s one of the oldest continually inhabited places on earth, but a new dam has put Hasankeyf under threat, write Eliza Egret and Tom Anderson
New model activism: Putting Labour in office and the people in power
Hilary Wainwright examines how the ‘new politics’ needs to be about both winning electoral power and building transformative power
What is ‘free movement plus’?
A new report proposes an approach that can push back against the tide of anti-immigrant sentiment. Luke Cooper explains
The World Transformed: Red Pepper’s pick of the festival
Red Pepper is proud to be part of organising The World Transformed, in Brighton from 23-26 September. Here are our highlights from the programme
Working class theatre: Save Our Steel takes the stage
A new play inspired by Port Talbot’s ‘Save Our Steel’ campaign asks questions about the working class leaders of today. Adam Johannes talks to co-director Rhiannon White about the project, the people and the politics behind it
The dawn of commons politics
As supporters of the new 'commons politics' win office in a variety of European cities, Stacco Troncoso and Ann Marie Utratel chart where this movement came from – and where it may be going
A very social economist
Hilary Wainwright says the ideas of Robin Murray, who died in June, offer a practical alternative to neoliberalism
Art the Arms Fair: making art not war
Amy Corcoran on organising artistic resistance to the weapons dealers’ London showcase
Beware the automated landlord
Tenants of the automated landlord are effectively paying two rents: one in money, the other in information for data harvesting, writes Desiree Fields
Black Journalism Fund – Open Editorial Meeting
3-5pm Saturday 23rd September at The World Transformed in Brighton
Immigration detention: How the government is breaking its own rules
Detention is being used to punish ex-prisoners all over again, writes Annahita Moradi
A better way to regenerate a community
Gilbert Jassey describes a pioneering project that is bringing migrants and local people together to repopulate a village in rural Spain
Fast food workers stand up for themselves and #McStrike – we’re loving it!
McDonald's workers are striking for the first time ever in Britain, reports Michael Calderbank
Two years of broken promises: how the UK has failed refugees
Stefan Schmid investigates the ways Syrian refugees have been treated since the media spotlight faded
West Papua’s silent genocide
The brutal occupation of West Papua is under-reported - but UK and US corporations are profiting from the violence, write Eliza Egret and Tom Anderson
Activate, the new ‘Tory Momentum’, is 100% astroturf
The Conservatives’ effort at a grassroots youth movement is embarrassingly inept, writes Samantha Stevens
Peer-to-peer production and the partner state
Michel Bauwens and Vasilis Kostakis argue that we need to move to a commons-centric society – with a state fit for the digital age
Imagining a future free of oppression
Writer, artist and organiser Ama Josephine Budge says holding on to our imagination of tomorrow helps create a different understanding today
The ‘alt-right’ is an unstable coalition – with one thing holding it together
Mike Isaacson argues that efforts to define the alt-right are in danger of missing its central component: eugenics
Fighting for Peace: the battles that inspired generations of anti-war campaigners
Now the threat of nuclear war looms nearer again, we share the experience of eighty-year-old activist Ernest Rodker, whose work is displayed at The Imperial War Museum. With Jane Shallice and Jenny Nelson he discussed a recent history of the anti-war movement.
Put public purpose at the heart of government
Victoria Chick stresses the need to restore the public good to economic decision-making
Don’t let the world’s biggest arms fair turn 20
Eliza Egret talks to activists involved in almost two decades of protest against London’s DSEI arms show
The new municipalism is part of a proud radical history
Molly Conisbee reflects on the history of citizens taking collective control of local services
With the rise of Corbyn, is there still a place for the Green Party?
Former Green principal speaker Derek Wall says the party may struggle in the battle for votes, but can still be important in the battle of ideas
Fearless Cities: the new urban movements
A wave of new municipalist movements has been experimenting with how to take – and transform – power in cities large and small. Bertie Russell and Oscar Reyes report on the growing success of radical urban politics around the world
A musical fightback against school arts cuts
Elliot Clay on why his new musical turns the spotlight on the damage austerity has done to arts education, through the story of one school band's battle